Before considering the successive steps in the settlement of the town, we will notice the methods by which the settlers became possessed of the territory. There were two parties with which contracts were to be made, namely, the Colonial Court and the Indian owners of the land. To ignore either would invalidate their claim. From the former it was essential to obtain a permit to make a settlement, to sell out and remove from Watertown, to secure the appointment of a committee to measure and lay out the land ; and from the Indians they were to purchase the territory.

In order to obtain a right knowledge of the matter before us, it is important to consider, first, the authority and nature of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay. King James of England claimed by right of discovery all the continent of North America. In the eighteenth year of his reign, he transferred a portion of this to a company called " The Colony of Plymouth in the County of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England in America." " The territory conveyed was all that part of America lying and being in breadth from forty degrees to forty-eight degrees of north latitude, and in length of and within all the breadth aforesaid through the mainland from sea to sea." And a condition upon which the conveyance was made was, that " the grantees should yield and pay therefor the fifth part of the ore of gold and silver which should happen to be found in any of the said lands." From this "Council of Plymouth in the County of Devon " a company, in 1628, purchased a tract of territory defined as being " three miles north of any and every part of the Merrimac River," and "three miles north of any and every part of the Charles River," and extending westward to the Pacific Ocean. Some of the chief men of this company were John Humphry, John Endicott, Sir Henry Roswell, Sir George Young, Thomas Southcoote, Simon Whitcomb, John Winthrope, Thomas Dudle}^ and Sir Richard Saltonstall.

The proprietors received a charter from the King, March 14, 1629, and were incorporated by the name of " the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England." The government of this company was vested in a governor, deputy governor and eighteen assistants, who Avere to be elected annually by the stockholders of the corporation. A general assembly of the freemen of the colony (see chapter on Town-meetings) was to be held once in four years at the least, for purposes of legislation. The king claimed no jurisdiction, since he regarded the affair, not as the founding of a nation or state, but as the incorporation of a trading establishment. But, although the common rights of British subjects were conferred upon these Massachusetts Bay colonists, a broader and better basis was soon to be adopted. In September, 1629, tlie members of the new company, at a meeting in Cambridge, Eng., signed an agreement to transfer the charter and government to the colonists. Upon this desirable change, enterprising men set sail for this country, and soon that portion of it now Salem and Boston was smiling with settlements that were founded by persons of marked character and intelligence. In May, 16B1, it was decided, at an assembly of the people, that all the officers of the government should thereafter be chosen by the freemen of the colony ; and in 1 634 the government was changed to a representative government, the second of the kind in America. This government had its court, to which delegates were sent by tlie people, called " The Great and General Court of the Massachusetts Colony."

By the authority of a Court thus established, land grants were allowed the New England colonists. Some of these grants were to companies who designed to establish towns, and some to individuals, for considerations that the court saw fit to recognize. In the former case, certain conditions were imposed, namely, that the place sought should be settled within a specified time, that a certain number of settlers should o'o there, and that a church should be established and the gospel ministr}'- maintained. These land grants were usually preceded by a petition, stating the object for which the land tract was sought, and perhaps reasons why the court should allow it. The territory of Sudbur}^ was in part granted to the people collectively who formed the plantation and established the town, and in part to individuals. The errants to the former were allowed at three different times, and were preceded by three different petitions. The first petition met with a response Nov. 20, 1637, of which the following is a copy :

" Whereas a great part of the chief inhabitants of Watertown have petitioned this Court, that in regard to their straitness of accommodation, and want of meadow, they might have leave to remove and settle a plantation upon the river, which runs to Concord, this Court, having respect to their necessity, doth grant their petition, and it is hereby ordered^ that Lieut. (Simon) Willard, Mr, (William) Spencer, Mr. Joseph Weld and Mr. (Richard) Jackson shall take view of the places upon said river, and shall set out a place for them by marks and bounds sufficient for fifty or sixty families, taking care that it be so set out as it may not hinder the settling of some other plantation upon the same river, if there be meadow, and other accommodations sufficient for the same. And it is ordered, further, that if the said inhabitants of Watertown, or any of them, shall not have removed their dwellings to their said new plantation, before one year after the plantation shall be sot out, that then the interest of all such persons, not so removed to the said plantation, shall be void and cease, and it shall be lawful for such as are removed and settled there, or the greater part of them^ being freemen, to receive other persons to inhabit in their rooms, in the said plantation ; provided, that if there shall not be thirty families at least there settled before the said time limited, that then this Court, or the Court of Assistants, or two of the Council, shall dispose of the said plantation to any other. And it is further ordered, that after the place of the said plantation shall be set out, the said petitioners, or any such other freemen as shall join them, shall have power to order the situation of their town, and the proportioning of lots, and all other liberties as other towns have under the proviso aforesaid. And it is lastly ordered, that such of the said inhabitants of Watertown, as shall be accommodated in their new plantation, may sell their houses and improved grounds in Watertown ; but all the rest of the land in Watertown, not improved, shall remain freely to the inhabitants, which shall remain behind, and such others as shall come to them.

"And the said persons appointed to set out the said plantation, are directed so to set out the same, as there may be 1500 acres of meadow allowed to it, if it be there to be had, with any convenience, for the use of the town." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 210.)

A further record of Court action, dated March 12, 1637-8, is as follows :

"The Court thinketh meet that they (of Watertown) should have liberty to sell their allotments in Watertown, and they are to give their full answer the next Court, whether they will remove to the new plantation and John Oliver put in the room of Richard Jackson, for to lay out the said plantation, which they are to do before the next Court."

The Court having granted the request for a plantation at Sudbury, allowed the petitioners to go on with their work, and appointed a committee to establish the bounds and make an allotment of land, as set forth by tlie following record :

"At Gennall Court held at Boston the 6th Day of the 7th Month, a 1638 [Sept. 6, 1638].

" The petitioners M"" Pendleton, M"" Noyse, M"" Brown, and Comp% are allowed to go on in their plantation, & such as are associated to them and Lift. Willard, Thomas Bro [Brown] and M"" John Oliver are to set out the bounds of the said plantation & they are alowed 4^ a day, each of them & M"" John Oliver 5 sh* a day, to bee borne by the new plantation. And the petitioners are to take care that in their alotments of land they have respect as well to men's estates & abilities to improve their lands, as to their number of persons ; and if any difference fall out the Court or the couusell shall order it." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 238.)

The land first appropriated was supposed to comprise a tract about five miles square. It had for boundaries Concord on the north, Watertown (now Weston) on the east, and on the south a line running from a point a little east of Nobscot Hill along the present Framingham and Sudbury boundary direct to the Weston town bound, and on the west a line two miles east of the present western boundary

The second grant was of an additional mile. This was allowed, to make up a deficiency in the first grant, which deficiency was discovered on making a survey a few years after the settlement began, and it was petitioned for May 13, 1610. The petition was for a mile in length on the southeast and southwest sides of the town ; and it was allowed on condition thai it would not prevent the formation of another plantation, " or hinder Mrs. Glover's farm of six hundred acres formerly granted." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 289.)

The third tract was granted in 1649. It contained an area two miles wide, extending; alono- the entire lenoth of the western boundary. The Colony Record concerning this grant is : "That Sudberry is granted two miles westward next adjoining to them for their furtli"^ inlargement, provided it [prejudice] not W™ Browne in his 200 acres already granted." (Vol. II., p. 273).

Besides these three grants, there were others made to individuals. One of these was to William Browne, of which the record is as follows: "In answer.to the petition of W"" Browne ffor two hundred ac''^ dew for twenty five pounds putt into the joy net stocke by M""^ Ann Harvey his Aunt, from whom he made it appear to the Court he had sufiicyent deputacon to require it, his request was grannted ; viz., 200 aC^ of land to be layed out to him w'^^out the west lyne of Sudbury by Capt. Simon Willard & Seargeant Wheeler." This land was easterly of Nobscot Hill, and about the locality where the Browns have since lived.

Another grant was the Glover Farm, situated on the town's southerly border. This tract was largely in the territory of Framingham. It consisted of six hundred acres, granted to Elizabeth, the widow of Rev. Josse Glover. Mr. Glover, rector of Sutton, Eng., in the June of 1638 made a contract with Steven Day, a printer, to come over at his expense, designing to set up a printing-press in Cambridge, the seat of the university. Shortly afterward he embarked for this country, but died on the passage, and was buried at sea. Mr. Glover had aided the colonists in various ways, and by his death they lost a valuable friend. This land tract may have been given to his widow in recognition of service received. It lay westerly and northerly of Cochituate Pond, extending to the northeast corner of Dudley Pond, thence to the Sudbury old town bound ; being bounded on the west by the river, and on the south by Cochituate Brook.

Another grant was that of the " Dunster Farm," sometimes called the "Pond Farm." This was a tract of six hundred acres, granted, in 1640, to Henry Dunster, first president of Harvard College, who in 1611 married Mrs. Elizabeth Glover. This farm was situated southeasterly of the " Glover Farm," and had Cochituate Lake for its western boundary.

Beyond this farm easterly was a tract of two hundred acres, extending towards the Weston town line, and called the "Jeiinison Farm." This was granted, in 1638, to Capt. William Jennison of Watertown, for service that he rendered in the Pequot war. It was laid out in 1646.

Another grant was to Mr. Herbert Pelham, Sept. 4, 1639. This land grant was situated in the present territory of Wayland, and was what is called " The Island." For many years it was mostly owned and occupied by the Heards. Mr. Pelham came to America in 1638, and for a time lived at Cambridge. Savage, states that he was a gentleman from the county of Lincoln, and when in London, where he may have been a lawyer, was a friend of the colony. Governor Hutchinson says, " He w^as of that family which attained the highest rank in the peerage, one hundred years ago, as Duke of Newcastle." He was much engaged in public service, and put into the common stock of the colony XIOO. He became a freeman in 1645, at which time he was chosen an assistant. He was the first treasurer of Harvard College in 1743. In 1645 Herbert Pelham, Thomas Flynt, Lieutenant Willard and Peter Noyes were appointed commissioners of sewers " for bettering and improving of y^ ground upon y^ river running by Concord and Sudbury " (Colony Records, Vol. III., p. 13). He returned to England in 1649, and resided at Buers Hamlet, County of Essex. He died in England, and was buried at Bury St. Mary's, in Suffolk County, July 1, 1673. By his will, dated Jan. 1, 1672, he gave his lands in Sudbury to his son Edward. His daughter Penelope married, in 1657, Gov. Josiah Winslow. "Pelham's Island" was sold in 1711 by the Pelhams, who were then in Newport, R. I., to Isaac Hunt and Samuel Stone, Jr., who in November of that year sold a part of it to Jonathan and George Read.

Land was also granted to JNIr. Walgrave, who was fatherin-law of Herbert Pelham. The Records state concerning both of these men that "■ they are granted their lots at Sudbury absolutely w^'' condition of dwelling there only Mr. Pelham p mised to build a house there, settle a family there and to be there as much as he could in the summer time." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 292). The Colonial Court as a rule did not interfere with the disposition of the lands granted. It held in reserve the power to adjust any difficulties, and to see that the conditions on which a township was allowed were kept.

As has been already observed, the Court was not the only party with which the settlers had to deal if they would obtain indisputable titles to their estates. While the English claimed the country by right of discovery, there were those who held it hy right of ancient hereditary possession, and the English were in justice called upon to recognize this right, and purchase the territory of tlie native proprietors.

This was done by the Sudbury settlers. The first tract for the plantation was purchased in 1638 of Karte, the Indian proprietor (see Chapter II.), and it has been supposed that a deed was given; but this is not essential as evidence of the purchase, since in the deed given by Karte for ]»nd subsequently bought he acknowledged the sale of the first tract, in the statement that it was sold to " George Munnings and to the rest of tlie planters of Sudbury." In this first bargain of real estate it is supposed that Mr. Munnings acted as agent for the settlers, and that he, together with Brian Pendleton, advanced the money for payment.

The second tract was also purchased of Karte, who gave a deed, of which the following is a true copy :

INDIAN DEED.

Bee it known vnto all men by these presents that I Cato otherwise Goodman for & in consideration of fyve pounds weh I have received in commodities & wompumpeage of Walter Hayne & Hugh Griffin of Sudbury in behalf of themselves & the rest of the planters of Sudbury; doe this my write in give & grant bargain & sell vnto the said Walter Hayne — (Haine) & Hugh Griffin & the said planters of the town of Sudbury so much land southward & so much land westward next adjoining to a tract of land weh I said Cato formerly souled vnto George Munnings & the rest of the planters of Sudbury as may make the bounds of the said town to be full fyve miles square wth all meadows, brooks, liberties priviledges & appertenances thereto belonging wth all the said tract of land granted. And I grant vnto them for me & mine heirs & brethren that I & they shall & will at any tyme make any further assurance in writing for the more p'fct assuring of the s'd land & all the premises wth the appertenances vnto the s'd Walter Haine & Hugh Griffin & the sd planters & their succssors forever as they shall require.

In witness whereof I herevnto put my hand & seal the twentieth day of the fourth month one thousand six hundred forty eight.
Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of
Emmanuel Downing
Ephraim Child
CUTCHAMCKiN [mark] ) brothers of Cato
JOJENNY [mark] )

This deed was sealed & acknowledged by the sd Cato (who truly understood the contents of it the day & year above written) Before mee.
JOKN WINTHROP, Governor.
Registry of Deeds
Suffolk Co. Mass.

The deed for the hind last granted, or the two-mile tract to the westward, is on record at the Middlesex Registry of Deeds, Cambridge, of which the following is a true copy :

For as much as the Gen' Court of the Massachusetts Colony in New England hath formerly granted to the Towne of Sudbury in the County of Middlesex in the same Colony, an addition of land of two miles westward of their former grant of five miles, which is also layd out & joyneth to it: and whereas the English occupiers, proprietors and possessors thereof have chosen Capt. Edmond Goodenow, Leif Josiah Haynes, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman to be a comittee for themselvs & for all the rest of the English proprietors thereof, giving them their full power to treat with & to purchase the same of the Indian proprietors of the s*^ tract of land & to satisfy & pay them for their native, ancient & hereditary right title & intrest thereunto.

Know all People by these presents That wee, Jehojakim, John Magus, John Muskqua & his two daughters Esther & Rachel, Benjamen Bohue, John Speen & Sarah his wife, James Speen, Dorothy Wennetoo, & Humphry Bohue her son, Mary Neppamun, Abigail the daughter of Josiah Harding, Peter Jethro, Peter Muskquamogh, John Boman, David Mannoan & Betty who are the ancient native & hereditary Indian proprietors of the afores*^ two miles of land (for & in consideration of the just & full sum of twelve pounds of current mony of New England to them in hand well & truly paid at or before the ensealing & delivery hereof by the said Cap' Edmond Goodenow, Leift. Josiah Haines, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman in behalfe of themselvs & of the rest of the English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers) the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge & therwith to be fully satisfied, contented & paid & thereof and of every part & parcell thereof they do hereby for themselvs & their heyrs Executors Administrators & assigns clearly fully & absolutely release, acquitt exonerate & discharge them & all the English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers of the same & all & every one of their heyrs Executors, Administrators, Assigns & successors forever) Have given, granted, bargained, sold, aliened, enseossed, made over & confirmed, & by these presents, do give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enseosse, make over, confirme & deliver all that their s<* tract & parcells of lands of two miles (bee it more or less scituate lying & being) altogether in one entire parcell in the s'^ Town of Sudbury in the County of Middlesex afores** & lyeth al along throughout on the westerne side of the old five miles of the s'^ Towne & adjoyneth thereunto (together with the farme lands of the heyrs of William Browne that lyeth within the same tract, unto the s"^ Capt. Edmond Goodenow, Leif Josiah Haines, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman & unto all & every one of the rest of the English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers thereof as the same is limited, butted & bounded on the East by the old part of the s"^ Towne of Sudbury (which was the five miles at first granted to the s<i Towne) & is butted & bounded northerly by the line or bounds of the Towne of Concord, Westerly by the line or bounds of the Towne of Stow & is bounded southerly & partly westerly by the lands of M'' Thomas Danforth. All the lands within said bounds of hills, vallies planes, intervalls, meadows, swamps, with all the timber, trees, woods, underwoods, grass & herbage, rocks, stones, mines, mineralls, with all rivers, rivoletts brooks, streams, springs, ponds & all manner of watercourses & whatsoever is therein & thereupon, above ground & underground, with all rights members, titles, royaltyes, libertyes priviledges, proprietyes, uses, profifitts & commodityes thereof & every part & parcell thereof & that is every way & in any wise thereunto belonging and appertaining. To Have, Hold, use, occupie, possess enjoy to the only absolute propper use benefitt, behoofe and dispose of them the s*^ English possessors, occupiers proprietors & fellowpurchasers of the Towne of Sudbury & their heyrs executors, administrators assigns & successors in a free full & perfect estate of inheritance from the day of the date hereof & so for ever. And the above named Indian Grantors do also hereby covenant promise & grant to & with the above named Edmond Goodenow, Josiah Haynes, John Goodnow John Brigham & Joseph Freeman & with all the rest of the English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers of the said two miles of land (bee it more or less) as above bounded that at the ensealing & delivery hereof, they are the only & absolute Indian proprietors of the premises & that they (& none else) have just and full power in themselvs the same thus to sell, convey confirme make over & deliver & they do hereby engage & bind themselvs & their heyrs executors administrators, & assigns from time to time & at all times hereafter fully & sufficiently to secure save hannless & forever defend the hereby granted & bargained two miles of land (as is above bounded bee it more or less) with all the rights, members & appurtenances there unto belonging, against all manner & singular other titles troubles charges demands & incumbrances that may be made or raysed by any person or persons (especially Indian or Indians) else whatsoever lawfully having or claiming any right, title or intrest in or to the premises or to any part or parcell thereof to the trouble vexation charges interruption or ejection of the above^*^ English possessors, occupiers, proprietors or fellow-purchasers of the same or any one of them, they or any one of their heyrs executors administrators or assigns in his or their quiet and peaceable possession free & full use enjoyment or dispose thereof or any part or parcell thereof foreverFurthermore wee the , above named Indian Grantors do hereby oblige & engage ourselvs all and every one of our heyrs executors Adm''s assigns & successors unto the s'^ English possessors occupiers & proprietors & fellow-purchasers & to all and every one of their heyrs executors administraters and assigns that wee and every one of us & ours as afores<^ shall & will from time to time & at all times readily & effectually do (at our own propper costs & charges) or cause to be so done any other or further act or acts thing or things that the law doth or may require for more sure making & full confirming of all & singular the hereby granted premises unto the s<^ Edmond Goodenow, Josiah Haines, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman & unto all & every one of the rest of the English possessors, occupiers proprietors and fellow-purchasers of the premises & unto all & every one of their heyrs executors administrators and assigns for ever. In Witness whereof the above named Indian Grantors have hereunto each for them" selvs & altogether sett their hands and seals, dated the 11''' day of July in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred eighty & four. Annoqe Regni Regis Caroli Secundi XXXVI.

Jehojakim his mark X for himselfe & by order of & for John

Boman & scale. Q John Magos for himselfe & by order of & for Jacob Magos his

father & seale. Q MusKQUA John & for his two daughters Rachel & Esther

& seale. Q

John Speen his marke | & for & by order of Sarah his wife

& seale. Q

Abigail Daughter of Josiah Harding and his sole heyr (tr=< her

marke & seale. Q

Sarah C her marke who is the widdow of Josiah Harding &

mother of s"^ Abigail & her Guardian. f

Peter Muskquamog -)- his mark & seale. Q

Benjamen Bohew his 7? marke & seale. Q

Dorithy Wexneto her O marke & seale. O

Mary Nepamun he Q marke & seale. O

Betty her ) marke & seale

Peter Jethro & a seale

John X Boman his marke & seale

James Speen & seale Cambe 15 Octo'' 1684 All the persons that have signed & sealed this instrument appeared before me this day & year above written & freely acknowledged this writing to be their act & deed

Daniel Gookin Sen"" Assist.

Endorsement All the (jrantors of the instrument within written beginning with Jehojakim & ending with Peter Muskquamog did sign scale & deHver s*^ instrument in presence of us.

John Greene James Bernard

Moreover wee underwritten did see Benjamen Bohew Dorothy Wanneto & Mary & Betty Nepamun signe scale & deliver this instrument the 15* day of Octo'' 1684. Andrew Pittamee ^ his marke

James Rumny marke Samuel Goff, James Barnard Daniel Sacowambatt

Feb'' 1, 1684 Memorandum Wee whose names are underwritten did see Peter Jethro signe & seale & deliver y^ within written instrument James Barnard Stephen flj Gates his marke

Peter Jethro, Indian, appeared before me the fifth day of February 1684 & freely acknowledged this writing within to be his act & deed & ythe put his hand & seale thereunto. Daniel Gookin Sen'' Affift

John Boman did signe seale & deliver the within written deed the 23 : of February in the year our Lord one thousand six hundred eighty & four in presence of us

John Balcom -^ -f- Samuel Freeman his marke.

James Speen & John Bowman appeared before me in court at Natick & acknowledged they have signed & sealed this instrument among others May 13'h 1684. James Gookin Sen'' Affist

Roxbury April 16. 85.

Charles Josias, Sachem of the Massachusetts, having read & considered the within written deed with the consent of his Guardians & Councellors underwritten doth for himself & his heyrs allow of, ratify & confirm the within written sale to the Inhabitants of Sudbury & their heyrs for ever, the lands therein bargained & sold. To have & to hold to the s'd Inhabitants of Sudbury their heyrs and assigns for ever & hath hereunto set his hand & seale the day above written.

Charls y/ Josias his marke & Seale

Allowed by us \

■William Stoughton )- Guardians to f

Joseph Dudley ) y^ Sachem f Robert 8 Montague

William W. Ahowton

Recorded 19. 3. 1685

by Tho. Danforth Recorder.

A true copy of record Book 9 Pages 344 to 352 inclusive

Attest Cha^ B Stevens Reg.

The above deed was not received until years after the grant was made by the Court, and the lands divided up and apportioned to the inhabitants. Tlie records do not state what occasioned the long delay, but, as was the case elsewhere, perhaps the papers were not passed until, in piocess of time, the settlers questioned whether the claim to the territory was valid until purchased of the Indian proprietors. A similar instance occurred at Groton, where the deed came long after the lands were occupied. The grant was allowed by the Court as early as 1655, but no title was obtained from the natives till about 1683 or 1684.

From lands thus allowed, the Plantation of Sudbury was formed. It required, however, more than the allowance and laying out of the land and the settlement of it to make it a town. A separate act of incorporation was necessary to complete the work. This was done September 4, 1639, when the Court ordered that "the newe Plantation by Concord shall be called Sudbury." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 271.)

By the granting of the name, the act of incorporation is supposed to have been made complete. It was a short process for an act so great, yet such was the manner of the Court. Says Mr, Sewall, in the history of Woburn, of the incorporation of that place, '•' The act of Court for this purpose is contained in these five words : ' Charlestown Village is called Wooborne.' " The Court action in this matter was dated Sept. 4, 1639 ; but it does not follow that this specific day of the month was the exact date of incorporation, as sometimes the date of the beginning of the Court session was given, instead of the date of the particular day when the transaction took place. As, for example, we find the permit for a division of land to be of the same date as that on which Sudbury was named.

The name ordered by the Court is that of an old English town in the county of Suffolk, from which some of the town's settlers are supposed to have come, or with which they may have had an acquaintance. It is situated near the parish of Bury St. Edmunds, at or near which place it is supposed the Browns may have dwelt. (See chap. Biographical Sketches.) It is not improbable that the name was given by Rev. Edmund Brown, the first minister of Sudbiir3% who sold lands in the district of Lanham to Thomas Read, his nephew, and it is supposed may have also named that locality from Lavenham, Eng., a place between Sudbury and Bury St. Edmunds. (See sketch of Thomas Read.) The place, though spelled Lavenham, is pronounced Lannam in England (Waters). The proximity of Sudbury and Lavenham, Eng., to what was probably the original home of Mr. Brown, together with the fact that he was an early owner of the lands at Lanham, and a prominent man at the settlement, affords at least a strong presumption that Mr. Edmund Brown named both Sudbury and Lanham. It is apjDropriate, then, to give a sketch of this old English town, and we present tlie following from Lewis's Topographical Dictionary of England:

" Sudbury is a borougli and market town, having separate jurisdiction locally in the hundred of Babergh, County of Suffolk, 22 miles (why s) from Ipswich, and 50 (N. E. by N.) from London, containing, according to the last census, 3950 inhabitants, which number has since increased to nearly 5000. This place, which was originally called South Burgh, is of great antiquity, and at the period of the compilation of Domesday-book was of considerable importance, having a market and a mint. A colou}^ of the Flemings, who were introduced into this country by Edward III. for the purpose of establishing the manufacture of woollen cloth, settled here, and that branch of trade continued to flourish for some time, but at length fell to deca}^ Tlie town is situated on the river Stour, which is crossed by a bridge leading into Essex. For some years after its loss of the woollen trade it possessed few attractions, the houses belonging principally to decayed manufacturers, and the streets being very dirty ; it has however within the last few years been greatly improved, having been paved and lighted in 1825, under an act obtained for the purpose, and some good houses built. The town hall recently erected by the corporation, in the Grecian style of architecture, is a great ornament to the town, in which is also a neat theatre. The trade j)i"incipally consists in the manufacture of silk crape, and buntings used for ships' flags ; that of silk was introduced by the manufacturers from Spitalfields in consequence of disputes with their workmen, and now affords employment to a great number of persons, about one thousand five hundred being engaged in the silk and four hundred in the crape and the bunting business. The river Stour, navigable hence to the Manning tree, affords a facility for the transmission of coal, chalk, lime and agricultural produce. The statute market is on Saturday, and the corn market on Thursday. Fairs are held on the 12th of March and lOtli of July, principally for earthen ware, glass and toys. The first charter of incorporation was granted by Queen Mary in 1554, and confirmed by Elizabeth in 1559. Another was given by Oliver Cromwell, but that under which the corporation derives its power was bestowed by Charles II. Sudbury comprises the parishes of All Saints, St. Gregory, and St. Peter, in the archdeaconry of Sudburj^ and diocese of Norwich. The living of All Saints is a discharged vicarage, rated in the king's books at .£4.11.5^ endowed, X400 royal bounty, and Xl^OO parliamentary grant."

" Quaint old town of toil and traffic, Quaint old town of art and song. Memories haunt thy pointed gables, Like the rooks that round them throng."

From this description we learn that it is a stanch old town from which Sudbury probably received its name ; a place busy and of good repute. The word has been variously spelled, as : Sudberry, Soodberie, Sudwrowe, Sudborrough, Sudborow or, as it is called in Doomsday book, Sutburge.

The boundaries of the town received early attention tVom the settlers, and at different dates there are records concerning it. As already stated, the southern boundary line at the first was from a point a little east of Nobscot, to the northern point of Dudley Pond ; thence, direct to Weston. That part of the line outside the present territory of Wayland has never varied much in its general character. Some slight changes have been made within about fifty years, by which a few acres have been taken from Sudbury and annexed to Framingham ; this was the case along tlie line by the Brown farm and the nortlierly slope of Nobscot. Before the alteration the line was slightly irregular, and the design may have been solely to straighten it. Concerning the boundary in the easterly part of the town's original territory, we have the following order of the General Court, dated June 6, 1701:

" Ordered that the line between Sudbury and the farms annexed to Franiinghara, as set forth in the plat exhibited under the hand of John Gore, be and continue the boundary line between the said farms and Sudbury forever, viz.: from the northerly end of Cochittwat pond to the bent of the river, by Daniel Stone's and so as the line goes to Framingham and Sudbury line."

Concerning the Sudbury and Watertown boundary, the following facts are recorded : " In 1649 persons Avere appointed by the town to search the records for the grant of Watertown, and to see if they can find any means to prevent Watertown from coming so near." The Colony Records state that a year later the Court ordered that the inhabitants of Sudbury should have their bounds recorded, and about the same time the town sent a petition to the General Court for a commission to lay out the boundary between the two towns. In 1651 a report was rendered about the boundary, which, with sliglit abridgment, is as follows:

" The committee appointed to lay out the Watertown and Sudbury boundary report that the line drawn by John Oliver, three years previous, called ' the old line,' shall be the line between the two towns, and forever stand. This line, beginning at Concord south bound, ran through a great pine swamp, a small piece of meadow to upland, and ' then to an angle betwixt two hills.' After the line left the aforesaid angle on its southerly course, it had ' these remarkable places therein : one rock called Grout's head, and a stake by the cartway leading from Sudbury to Watertown, and so to a pine hill being short of a pond about eighty-eight rods, att which pine hill Sudbury bounds ends.' " (Colony Records, Vol. IV., page 53.) Such was the territory of Sudbury, the maimer in which the lands were allowed, and the parties from whom they were bought. From this plantation was formed tlie town ; and land divisions and allotments were subsequentl}' made, until no portion of it was held by proprietary right, nor as public domain, but all passed into private estates except the highways and commons, and here and there a small three-cornered nook.

CHAPTER V.                 page 73

Place and Plan of Settlement. Data of House-lots. Description of Map. Course of First Street. Sites of Early Homesteads. Historic Highway. Time of Settlement. Dimensions of First Dwelling-house. Early Experiences of the Settlers.

A}-, call it holy ground,

The spot where first they trod ! They have left unstained what there they found

Freedom to worship God.

Mrs. Hemaxs.

The settlement of the town began on the east side of the river. The first road or street, beginning at Watertown (now Weston), extended along a course of about two miles, and by this the house-lots of the settlers were laid out and their humble dwellings stood. The plan of the settlement can, to an extent, be made out by tradition and the data of house-lots which are preserved on the Sudbury records, and which we here give in abbreviated form, the figures in parentheses denoting tlie acres allowed :

DATA OF HOUSE-LOTS.

Edmond Brown (80), on Timber Neck (east of Mill Brook, Wayland).

John Blanford (3), north by highway to river, south by Joseph Taynter.

Jos. Taynter (4), between John Blanford and Tho. Whyte.

Tho. Whyte (4), between Hugh Griffin and Jos. Taynter.

Hugh Griffin (4), north by Tho. Whyte, south by John Howe.

John Howe (4), north by Hugh Griffin, south by Edmund Rice ; (also one acre parted from his house-lot by highway betAveen Edmund Rice and Hugh Griffin ; also four on Pine Plain, on road from Sudbury to Watertown, west by Mrs. Hunt).

Edmund Rice (4), between John Howe and Henry Rice.

Henry Rice (4), between Edmund Rice and John Maynard.

John Maj'uard (4), between Henry Rice and highway.

Robert Daniel (8), northwest by John Maynard and Robert Boardman (or Fordum).

Robert Boardman (4), between Robert Daniel and Robert Best.

Robert Best (4), north by Mr. Boardman, south by John Loker.

John Loker (4), between Robert Best and Tho. Flinn (or Joslyn), [also (one acre) parted from his house-lot by the highway.]

Tho. Flinn (4), between John Loker and John Haynes.

John Haynes (4), north by Tho. Flinn, south by Edmund Good now.

Edmund Goodnow (4), north by John Hajaies, west by River Meadows.

Wm. Brown (4), north by Edmund Goodnow, south by John Toll.

John Toll (4), between Edmund Goodnow and Widow Wright.

Widow Wright (6), between John Toll and John Bent. • John Bent (6), between Widow Wright and John Wood.

John Wood (4), between John Bent and Widow Hunt.

Widow Hunt (4), between John Wood and John Goodnow.

John Goodnow (5), north by Widow Hunt, south by Henry Loker, east end on highway going to mill, and west b}- the great River Meadows.

Henry Loker (4), between John Goodnow and John Parmenter, Sr.

John Parmenter, Sr. (4), between Henry Loker and the highway to Bridle Point.

ON NORTHWEST ROW.

John Freeman (4), on northwest corner of highway leading to River Meadows.

Solomon Johnson (6), east by Wm. Ward.

Wm. Ward (20), on northeast side of Northwest Row.

Solomon Johnson (7), between Wm. Ward and Wm. Pelham.

Wm. Pelham (50), northeast part, near Wm. Ward.

ON THE NORTH STREET OR EAST STREET.

John Rutter (4), (near clay pits).

John Ruddick (4).

Henry Curtis ( ).

John Stone (9), between Henry Curtis and Nathl. Treadway.

Nathl. Tread way ( ), on East Street, between John Stone and John Knight.

John Knight (12).

ON EAST STREET.

Bryan Pendleton (5), north by Tho. Noyes south by Pond Brook that runs to the river,

Tho. Noyes (4), south b}^ Bryan Pendleton, north by Geo. Munning.

Geo. Munning (4), between Tho. Noyes and Walter Ha3-ne.

Walter Hayne (6), south by Geo. Munning, north by highway to Common Swamp. ON BRIDLE POINT HIGHWAY.

Tho. Brown (4), north by highway leading to Bridle Point, east by the Common, south end running to Mill Brook, west by Anthony White.

Anthony Whyte (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south by Mill Brook. Between Tho. Brown and Wm. Parker. ^ Wm. Parker (— ).

Peter Noyes (8), north by Bridle Point Road, south by Mill Brook. Between Wm. Parker and Thomas Goodnow.

Tho. Goodnow (5), north by Bridle Point Road, south by Mill Brook. Between A. Belcher and P. Noyes. He sold to P. Noyes, making Noyes' lot thirteen acres.

Andrew Belcher (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south by Mill Brook. Between Tho. Goodnow and Richd. Newton.

Richard Newton (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south by Mill Brook. Between A. Belcher and John Parmenter, Jr.

John Parmenter, Jr. (4). Between Richd. Newton and Henry Prentiss.

Henry Prentiss (4). Between John Parmenter, Jr., and Herbert Pelham.

ON MILL ROAD FROM PINE PLAIN.

William Kerley (4), on southwest side of "Pine Swamp," on highway leading to mill, northwest of Richd. Sanger. Richd. Sanger (4), northwest by Wm. Kerley.

ON ROAD TO COTCHITUATT,

Tho. Goodnow [also on Cotchituatt Road]. Probably the present Pousland lot.

ON PINE PLAIN.

John Howe. Also four acres on Pine Plain, north side of road from Sudbury to Watertown, west by land of Mrs. Hunt.

Mrs. Hunt, or Widow Hunt. She probably sold lier lot on i'- The Street," and took a lot here.

John How. Probably sold his lot on "The Street" to either Griffin or Rice, and took a lot on The Plain.

Henr}^ Loker (4). Between John Goodnow and J. Parmenter, Sr.

^>

5' f

5

r? w a m p

Original trail or way from Watertown through Sudbury now discontinued for public travel.

Jfiitminii.<

-Nf

f

■^"^'yy fiR^T ^m I Wm-b!) ^^S^mKi

6co,/t. yvAUfTJj e. Co. Cft&s.sos7off.

'•"N/r John Parmenter, Sr. (4). Between Henry Loker and Bridle Point Road.

John Goodnow (5). North by Widow Hunt and south by Henry Loker. The east end on the mill road, and tlie west end on the great river meadows.

Thomas Hoyt. His house-lot containing four acres, having the house-lot of Brian Pendleton on the south side, and the house-lot of George Munnings on the north side.

The map that accompanies the data of house-lots was made by James Sumner Draper of Wayland, as the result of the united investigation of himself and the writer. Mr. Draper has a life-long familiarity with the locality, is a practical surveyor, and acquainted with the traditions and old roads of this ancient part of Sudbury. It is not absolutely certain that every one to whom a lot was assigned ever became a householder in the settlement; furthermore, it may be that an exchange was, in some cases, made before the settlers began to build. With, however, a suitable allowance for possible or probable changes, and making such slight departures in certain cases from the data as was thought warranted by the circumstances, the locality, and tradition, we believe this map to be a fair representation of the locations of most, if not all, of the first homesteads in Sudbury.

We will now consider the plan of the settlement, and trace the course of the street. The settlement lay along three roads, which afterwards became the common highway. The principal one of these roads, called "the North" or "East Street," and also the " Old Watertown Trail," started at what is now " Weston and Wayland Corner," and probably followed the course of the present road over "The Plain" and Clay-pit Hill to a point near the Abel Gleason estate ; fi'om this place it is supposed to have made its way a little northerly of Mr. Gleason's house, and winding southwesterly passed just south of Baldwin's Pond, and thence to the river at the bridge. The road originally called "Northwest Row" ran from this street to what is still called " Common Swamp," and by the spot designated as the house-lot of Walter Haynes. This spot still bears the traces of having, long years ago, been the site of a house. The cart-path which ran from it to the meadow is still used.

Along this road traces and traditions of homesteads are unmistakable : old building material has been unearthed, and depressions in the ground are still to be seen. Mr. Draper, a little east of his house, bv the brook, unearthed the stones of a lire-place, with fragments of coals still upon them. Between this and Clay -pit Bridge (the second bridge or culvert from the mill-pond, or the first above " Whale's Bridge") there are, north of the road, several depressions indicating the sites of old houses. Just bcA-ond Clay-pit Bridge, the writer, with Mr. Draper, went to look for traces of houses on the lots assigned to Bryan Pendleton and Thomas Noyes ; and there, in the exact locality, were distinct depressions, just where they were looked for. The Curtis homestead, until within a very few years, was standing in about the place assigned for the house-lot. Thus strong is the probability that the lots on this street were largely built upon.

Another of tlie principal streets was that which, starting from a point on the north street near the town bridge, ran easterly along Avhat is now the common highway, to the head of the mill-pond, and then to the mill. Upon this street was the first meeting-house, at a spot in the old burying-ground (see chapter on First Meeting-house, &c.), and the Parmenter Tavern. The house-lots were mainly at the west end of this street, and the road was probably extended northeasterly to give access to the mill. Here, again, tradition confirms the record of house-lots, and shows that the lots were more or less built upon. The John Maynard and John Loker estates were kept for years in their families, and the Parmenter estate is still retained in the family. In later years the descendants of John Rutter built on that street.

The third road was called the "Bridle Point Road." This started near the Parmenter Tavern, crossed the knoll at the Harry Reeves place, and ran along the ridge of " Braman's Hill" for about two-thirds of its length, when it turned southerly, and, crossing Mill Brook, ran towards the town's southern limits. While tradition positively locates this road, it points to but one liomestead upon it, and that the residence of Rev. Edmund Brown, which it undoubtedly declares was at the spot designated by the house-lot data. Along this street are no visible marks of ancient dwelling-places north of Mill Brook ; but beyond, various depressions in the ground, and remnants of building material, indicate that at one time this street had houses upon it. With the exception of those on the south street, the dwellings were about equally distant from the meeting - house, and all within easy access to the River Meadows and the mill. Probably they settled largely in groups, that they might more easily defend themselves in case of danger. They were in a new country, and as yet had had little experience with the Indians ; hence we should not expect they would scatter very widely. In the early times so essential was it considered by the Colonial Court that the people should not widely scatter, that, three 3'ears before Sudbury was settled, it ordered, that, for the greater safety of towns, " hereafter no dwelling-house should be built above half a mile from the meeting-house in any new plantation." (Colony Records, Vol I.)

It will be noticed that the positions selected for these streets were, to an extent, where the shelter of upland could be obtained for the house. The sandy slope of Bridle Point Hill would afford a protection from the rough winds of winter; so of the uplands just north of South Street. It was also best to settle in groups, to lessen the amount of road-breaking in winter. It will also be noticed that these groups of house-lots were near, not only meadow land, but light upland, which would be easy of cultivation. Various things indicate that the most serviceable spots were selected for homesteads, that roads were constructed to connect them as best they could, and that afterwards the roads were extended to the mill. Probably the people on North Street made the short way to South Street, that now comes out at Mr. Jude Damon's, in order to shorten the way to church. Those midway of that street, for a short cut to the mill, the church and the tavern, would naturally open a path from the turn of the road by the chiy-pits to the mill. To accommodate the people on " The Plain," a road was opened to the mill in a southwesterly course, which is in part the present highway, but has in part been abandoned, the latter. part being that which formerly came out directh^ east of the mill.

These several sections of road probably formed what was called the "Highway." A large share of it is in use at the present time, and is very suggestive of historic reminiscences. By it the settlers went to the Cakebread Mill, to the little hillside meeting-house, and to the John Parmenter Ordinary. By these ways came the messenger with fresh news from the seaboard settlements, or with tidings from the tribes of the woods. In short, these formed the one great road of the settlement; the one forest pathway along which everyone more or less trod.

The erection of dwelling-places along these first streets probably began in 1638 ; but Ave have no tradition or record of the week or month when the inhabitants arrived at the spot, nor as to how many went at any one time. They may have gone in small companies at different dates ; and the entire removal from Watertown may have occurred in the process of months. It is quite probable, however, that they went mainly together, or in considerable companies, both for the sake of convenience and safety; and that they were largely there by the autumn of 1638. On the arrival of the " Confidence," the emigrants would naturally be eager to settle somewhere at once. They would hardly wait long in Watertown, if their design was to make their homes farther west. The cold winter being just ahead, they would presumably hasten to the proposed place of settlement, to prepare things for their comfort before cold weather fairly set in.

We have found no record of the dimensions of any of the first dwelling-places, but we may judge something of their size by that of the first house of worship, and by the specifications in a lease of a house to be built b}'" Edmund Rice prior to the year 1655. This house was to be very small, -^ " 30 foot long, 10 foot high, 1 foot sill from the ground. 16 foot wide, with two rooms, both below or one above the other, all the doors, walls and staires with convenient fixtures, and well planked under foot and boored sufficiently to lay corn in the story above head." But it is doubtful if this small, low structure fitly represents the settlers' first forest home ; very likely that was a still more simple building, that would serve as a mere shelter for a few months or years, till a more serviceable one could be built. Houses of ordinary capacity would hardly be necessarj' when the settlement commenced. The furniture of the dwelling would for a time, probably, be simple and scant, and consist mainly of a few household utensils, their firearms, and tools.

The way from Watertown being at first only a forest trail, it was a difficult task to transport many goods, even if tlie}'" were brought to this country. That carts were made use of the first year for transportation to Watertown is doubtful, although they were used a few years later. In 1641 it was ordered, " That every cart with four sufficient oxen and a man shall have for a day's work five shillings ; " and that " none shall take above six pence a bushel for the bringing up of corn from Watertown to Sudbury and twenty shillings a day for any other goods." (Town Records, p. 17.) The transportation of corn may have been on horseback.

What the settlers experienced in the rough cabins of logs, the first years, we can only conjecture. The deep snow-fall of winter, as it covered their lonely forest path, presented a strong contrast to the mild climate from which they came. But they had enough to employ their time. There were cattle to care for, and lands to clear and make ready for the coming spring; and it was no small task to keep the household supplied with wood. The wide-mouthed fireplace, with hearth broadening to almost midway of the cabin itself, with its huge andirons, beyond which was the stout back-log, had the capacity of a dozen stoves ; and to supply this was a matter of work. But the routine of work was broken by experiences both sad and glad. In the first year or two there were the birth, bridal, and burial. On the 1st of October, 1639, "Andrew Belcher and his wife were married." " On ye first day of ye first month (March 1), 1640, Edward the servant of Robert Darnill was buried." A year after, Joseph Rice was born, ''On the third day of the twelvth month, 1639, Joseph and Nathaniel the sons of Solomon Johnson were born." In November, 1644, John Rutter married Elizabeth Plimpton. The first body buried was probably borne to the northerly side of the old meetinghouse hill, where tradition says the Indians had a buryingground. Here, doubtless, was buried the servant of Robert Darnill, who was the first, or one of the first, in that long procession which, for nearly two centuries and a half, has been borne to the ancient burying-place upon or about that hill. Beside these experiences, there were others that would tend to break up the monotony of the settlers' experience, such as "log-rollings," when the neighbors collected together and helped clear the land of logs and brush ; " house-raisings," where many joir\ed hands to help raise the heavy frames; "road-breaking," when, with ox-teams, they cleared the snow from the path; corn-planting in the common fields, or "huskiiigs," when the corn was gathered, these, with town -meetings, and an occasional drill of the train -band, when Bryan Pendleton exercised his little host, would serve to break up the monotony and enliven the scene at the settlement. Thus,

Toiling, rejoicing, sorrowing,

Onward through life he goes ; Each morning sees some task begun,

Each evening sees it close ; Something attempted, something done,

Has earned a night's repose.

Longfellow.

CHAPTER VI.                 page 83

Town Meetings. Their Origin and Character. Conditions of Citizenship. Freemen. Place of Town Meeting. Town Officers. Highways. Bridges. " Indian Bridge." The " Old Town Bridge." Contracts with Ambrose Leach and Timothy Hawkins. Causeway. Formation of Church. Settlement of First Minister. Erection of First Meeting- House. Contract with John Rutter. Buildiilg of Grist-Mill.

But the good deed, through the ages Living in historic pages, Brighter grows and gleams immortal, Unconsumed by moth or rust.

Longfellow.

The first steps in the settlement of the town having been considered, namely, the acquisition of the teriitor}^, the assignment of house-lots, and la3dng out of the principal highways, we will now notice further projects for the general good. The people acted first in town-meeting ; hence it may here be appropriate to consider the origin and character of these occasions, and the manner in which they were conducted. The New Enoland town-meetinq- is an institution that originated in the exigencies of New England colonial life, and sprang into existence at the call of men who opposed the concentration of political power, and who would confer it on no person or persons, only as it was conferred on them by the people's choice. Situated far remote from the home government in Europe, too much time was consumed in the transmission of laws, and too little acquaintance was had by the English government with the needs of American life, to make it practicable to rely on such a source of authority.

Something was needed to meet an independent and exteml^orized order of things ; and the result was a New England town-meeting, which is unlike any other political assembly. In the principle of its operation it is similar and modelled after the New England Congregational Church meeting. The same general freeness and equality to an extent prevailed, and by these meetings each town became like a little republic. Whatever offices were needed were made, and the men selected to fill them had a fitness based on personal merit. There were no credentials for position thut came from a titled authority, or from ancient hereditary right based on manorial acquisition or influence. Before plantations became incorporated towns, and while undivided lands still remained which were held by proprietary or collective right, there were certain privileges possessed by these proprietors or land companies, which related to their real estate, such as the right to dispose of and improve their lands, or to enjoy exclusive privileges that were based upon them. But when all the lands were divided and sold, the proprietary dissolved, and left the community purely republican, in which each public meeting was an open townmeeting, whether it pertained to matters of church or state. Thus the New England town-meetin"' was orioinal, and its principles of operation were in harmony with the character and purposes of the men who had fled from ecclesiastical and civil restraint.

As might be expected, the General Court, which was more or less dependent on the action of town-meetings, was in general harmony with them ; and, in its definition of the power of towns, gave them the elements of democratic government. In 1635 it was " Ordered, that the freemen of any town, or the major part of them, shall only have power to dispose of their own lands and woods, with all the privileges and appurtenances of said towns, to grant lots and make such orders as may concern the well ordering of their own towns, not repugnant to the orders of the General Court." They were authorized to impose fines, not exceeding twenty shillings, and " to choose their own particular officers, as constables, surveyors for highwa3's and the like." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 72.) There were some restrictions that related to citizenship in those days that have since been removed. At one period only "freemen" could participate in the shaping of public affairs. A "freeman" was a person who, by act of the General Court, was admitted to the rights and privileges that correspond to those now pertaining to American citizenship. In early times people did not attain to political privileges, as now, by passing from minority and paying a town tax; but to attain to full citizenship, with eligibility to office, as late as 1631, it was necessary to be a member of a church within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Later, in 1662, the law was so changed that an Englishman, on presenting a certificate of good character, and upon giving evidence of orthodox belief, together with a certificate from a town selectman that the party was a freeholder and ratable to the county on a single rate to the amount of ten shillings, might apply to the General Court for admission as freeman. If accepted by the Court, it was on condition that the applicant take what was termed the "-freeman's oath," which is as follows :

"I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant and freeman within the jurisdiction of this commonwealth, do freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the government thereof, and therefore do swear, by the great and dreadful name of the everlasting God, that I will be true and faithful to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and support thereunto with my person and estate, as in equity I am bound, and also truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the wholesome laws and orders made and established by the same ; and, further, that I will not plot nor practise any evil against it, nor consent to any that shall do so, but will timely discover and reveal the same to lawful authority now here established, for the speedy prevention thereof; moreover, I do solemnly bind myself, in the sight of God, that when I shall be called to give my voice touching any such matter of this state wherein freemen are to deal, I will give my vote and suffrage, as I shall judge in my conscience, maj'best conduce and tend to the public weal of the body, without respect of persons, or favor of any man. So heljJ me God, in the Lord Jesus Christ.''''

After being thus qualified by the vote of the Court, and by taking" the above oath, the freeman was allowed to vote in the elections in the following manner and under the following penalt}^: "It is ordered by this Court, and by the authorit}^ thereof, that for the yearly choosing of assistants, the freemen shall use Indian corn and beans the Indian corn to manifest election, the beans the contrary; and if any freeman shall pnt in more than one Indian corn or bean, for the choice or refusal of any public officer, he shall forfeit for every such offence ten pounds; and that any man that is not a freeman, or hath not liberty of voting, putting in any vote, shall forfeit the like sum of ten pounds."

But, though corn and beans were sufficient to elect an assistant, for governor, deputy -governor, major-general, treasurer, secretary, and commissioners of the united colonies, it was required that the freemen should make use of written ballots.

The freemen at first were all required to appear before the General Court to give their votes for assistants ; but it was found inconvenient, and even dangerous, for all of them to assemble in one place, leaving their homes unprotected, and hence it was ordered, " That it shall be free and lawful for all freemen to send their votes for elections by proxy, in the next General Court in May, and so for hereafter, which shall be done in this manner: The deputy wliich shall be chosen shall cause the freemen of the town to be established, and then take such freemen's votes, as please to send them by proxy, for any magistrate, and seal them up severally, subscribing the magistrates name on the back side, and to bring them to the Court, sealed, with an open roll of the names of the freemen that so send them."

Until as late as the nineteenth century, the town-meetings were held in the meeting-house. After the meeting-house was built sometimes they were held in a private house or at the " ordinary," As for example, Jan. 10, 1685, and again Feb. 18, 1686, there was an adjournment of town-meeting to the house of Mr. Walker, " by reason of the extremity of the cold." In 176-1 the town adjourned one of its meetings to the house of " William Rice, innliolder." In 1782, "adjourned town-meeting to the house of Mr. Aaron Johnson, innholder ill s"^ town." After the division of the town into the east and west precincts, the town-meetings alternated from the east to the west side.

In 1682-3 the time of meeting was changed from February to October, tlie day of the week to be Monda3^ The reason of this change may be found in the fact that it was difficult at some seasons to make a journey to the east side meetinghouse ; the passage of the causeway was occasionally rough, and town action might be thereby delayed or obstructed. The meeting was for a period warned by the board of selectmen. At the date of the change just mentioned, it "was voted and ordered, that henceforth the selectmen every year for the time being shall appoint and seasonably warn the town-meeting ; " but afterwards this became the work of the constables. In the warning of town-meetings at one period, the " Old Lancaster Road " was made use of as a partial line of division. A part of the constables were to warn the people on tlie north side of the road, and part those who lived south of it.

The town -meeting was opened by prayer. There is a record of this about 1654, and presumably it was practised from the very first. At an early date voting was sometimes done by "dividing the house," each party withdrawing to different sides of the room. An example of this is as follows : In 1654, at a public town-meeting, after " the pastor by the desire of the town had sought the Lord for his blessing in the actings of the day, this following vote was made. You that judge the act of the selectmen in sizing the Commons to be a righteous act, discover it by drawing 3^ourselves together in the one end of the meeting-house." After that was done, " It was then desired that those who are of a contrary mind would discover it hj drawing themselves together in the other end of the meeting-house."

In what was done at these meetings, marked respect was usually had for order and law. We find records of protest or dissent when things were done in an irregular way, as for instance, in 1676, we have the following record : " We do hereby enter our Decent against the illegal proceeding of the inhabitants of the town : : : for the said proceedings have Ben Directly Contrary to law. First, That the Town Clerk did not Solemnly read the Laws against Intemperance and Immoralit}^ as the Laws Require." Mention is also made of other irregularities, and the whole is followed by a list of names of prominent persons.

The town officers were mostly similar to those elected at the present time. At a meeting of the town in 1682-3, it was ordered that the town-meeting " shall be for the electing of Selectmen, Commissioners, and Town Clerk." Names of officers not mentioned here were " Constables, Invoice Takers, Highway Surveyors, and Town Marshal." About 1648 the persons chosen to conduct the affairs of the town were first called selectmen. The numbei" of these officers varied at different times. In 1646 there were seventeen selectmen.

The service expected of the selectmen, beside being custodians at large of the public good, and acting as the town's prudential committee, were, before the appointment of tything-men (which occurred first in Sudbury, Jan. 18, 1679), expected to look after the morals of the community. This is indicated by the following order : At a meeting of the inhabitants, Jan. 18, 1679, " It is ordered, that the selectmen shall visit the families of the town, and speedily inspect the same, but especially to examine children and servants about their improvement in reading and the catechism. Captain Goodnow and Lieutenant Haines to inspect all families at Lanham and Nobscot and all others about there and in their way, . . . and these are to return an account of that matter at the next meeting of the selectmen, appointed to be on the 30th of this instant January." We infer from certain records that the selectmen's orders were to be audibly and deliberately read, that the people might take notice and observe them.

The officials known as " highway surveyors " had charge of repairs on town roads. This term was early applied, and has continued in use until now. As early in the records as 1639, Peter Noyes and John Parmenter are mentioned as surveyors.

The business of town clerk, or " dark," first held in Sudbury by Hugh Griffin, is shown by the following extracts from the town book : " He is to take charge of the records and discharge the duties of a faithful scribe." " To attend town-meeting, to write town orders for one year, . . . for which he was to have ten shillings for his labor." In 1643 he was " to take record of all ^births and marriages and [deaths], and return them to the recorder." "It is also agreed that the rate of eight pound 9 shillings [be] levied upon mens estate for the payment of the town debt due at the present, and to buy a constable's staff, to mend the stocks, and to buy a marking iron for the town, and it shall be forthwith gathered by Hugh Griffin, who is appointed by the town to receive rates, and to pay the town's debt." (Town Book, p. 75.) Feb. 19, 1650, Hugh Griffin "was released from the service of the town." The work that he had performed was "to attend town-meetings, to write town orders, to compare town rates, to gather them in, and pay them according to the towns appointment, and to sweep the meeting-house, for which he is to have fifty shillings for his wages."

Other officers were "commissioners of rates," or "invoicetakers." These corresponded perhaps to "assessors," which term we find used in the town book as early as the beginning of the eighteenth century. The office of marshal was the same as that of constable. There is the statement on page 34 " that there shall be a rate gathered of ten pounds for the finishing of the meeting-house, to be raised upon meadows and improved land, and all manner of cattle above a quarter old to be prized as they were formerly prized, the invoice to be taken by the marshall."

At an early period persons were appointed for the special purpose of hearing "small causes." In 1655 " Lietenant Goodnow, Thomas Noyes, and Sergeant Groute were chosen commissioners to hear, issue, and end small causes in Sudbury, according to law, not exceeding forty shillings." In 1648 Peter Noyes was " to see people iojnie in marriage in Sudbury." (Colonial Records, p. 97.)

In the early times towns could send deputies to the General Court according to the number of their inhabitants. Those that had ten freemen and under twenty, could send one ; those having between twenty and forty, not over two. (Palfrey's History.)

We infer that if a person was elected to any town office he was expected to serve. It is stated in the records of 1730 that David Rice was chosen constable, and "being called up [by] the moderator for to declare his exception, or nonexception, upon which David Rice refused for to serve as constable, and paid down five pounds money to a^ town, and so was discharged."

Having considered the nature of the town-meeting, the place where works of a public nature were discussed and decided upon, we will now notice some of the works themselves. First, Highways, the Causeway and Bridge.

HIGHWAYS.

In providing means for easy and rapid transit, it was important for the town to make haste. Indian trails and the paths of wild animals would not long suffice for their practical needs. Hay was to be drawn from the meadows, and for this a road was to be made. Another was to be made to Concord, and paths were to be opened to the outlying lands. The first highway work was done on the principal street, which was doubtless at first but a mere wood path or trail. An early rule for this labor, as it is recorded on the Town Records, Feb. 20, 1639, is as follows : " Ordered by the commissioners of the town, that every inhabitant shall come forth to the mending of the highway upon a summons by the surveyors." In case of failure, five shillings were to be forfeited for every default. The amount of labor required was as follows :

" 1st. The poorest man shall work one day.

" 2nd. For every six acres of meadow land a man hath he shall work one day. " 3d. Every man who shall neglect to make all fences appertaining to his fields b}^ the 24th of April shall forfeit five shillings (Nov. 19th, 1639)."

Higliways and cart-paths were laid out on both sides of the meadows at an early date. The town records make mention of a highway " from below the upland of the meadow from the house-lot of Walter Haynes to the meadow of John Goodnow, which shall be four rods wide where it is not previously bounded already, and from the meadow of John Goodnow to the end of the town bound." Also of a liighway on the west side of the river, " between the upland and the meadow six rods wide from one end of the meadow to the other." These roads, we conjecture, have not entirely disappeared. On either side the meadow margin a hay -road, or '' right of wa}!-," still exists. It is probable that the town way called " Water Row " may have been a part of those early roads ; also, that by the margin of Sand Hill, as it extends southwesterly towards West Brook, and that by the Baldwin place, that starts north of the bridge. An important road laid out in 1648 was that from Watertown to the Dunster Farm, or the " Old Connecticut Path." (See Chapter I.) The record states, "Edmund Rice and Edm"^ Goodenow, John Bent and John Grout, are appointed to lay out a way from Watertown bound to the Dunster Farm." Another important road laid out in the first decade was that which went to Concord. In 1648 " Edmond Goodenow is desired to treat with Concord men, and to agree with them about the laying out of the way between Concord and Sudbury." The term " laying out," as it was employed at that period, might not always imply the opening of a new path, but perhaps the acceptance or formal recognition of an old one, which hitherto had been only a bridle-way or mere forest foot-trail, that had been used as the most available track to a town, hamlet, or homestead. Tradition informs us that at an early date a way from "The Island" to the east side settlement was by a fording-place, which was by the present " Bridle-Point Bridge ; " and that there was a road from " The Island " to Lanham, which passed Heard's Pond on the north, to the right of the present highway, or between that and the meadow margin. By this way hay could be drawn from the meadow on the south of West Brook, and the Lanham settlers could pass by it to the Cakebread Mill and to the home of their minister on Timber Neck.

BRIDGES.

In the work of bridge building Sudbury has had fully its share from the first. Its original territory being divided by a wide, circuitous stream, which was subject to spring and fall floods, it was a matter of no small importance to the settlers to have a safe crossing. Ford-ways, on a river like this, were uncertain means of transit. Without a bridge the east and west side inhabitants might be separated sometimes for weeks, and travelers to the frontier beyond would be much hindered on their way. All this the people well knew, and they were early astir to the work. Two bridges are mentioned in the town book as early as 1641. The record of one is as follows: "It was ordered from the beginning of the plantation, that there should be two rods wide left in the meadow from the bridge at Munning's Point to the hard upland at the head of Edmund Rice's meadow." The other record is of the same date, and states that there was to be a road " between the river meadow and the houselot from the bridge at John Blandford's to Bridle Point." The bridge referred to in the former of these records may have been the " Old Indian Bridge," which is repeatedly mentioned in the town book. From statements on the records we conclude it crossed the lower part of Lanliam Brook sometimes also called West Brook at a point between Sand Hill and Heard's Pond. This bridge was probably found there by the settlers, and may have been nothing more than a fallen tree where but one person could pass at a time. It doubtless was of little use to the settlers, and may only have served them as a landmark or to designate a fording-place where at low water a person could pass. The bridge referred to in the latter record was probably the first one built by the English in Sudbury. It was doubtless situated at the locality since occupied by successive bridges, each of which was known as the " Old Town Bridire." The present one is called the Russell Bridge, after the name of the builder. The location is in Wayland at the east end of the old causeway, near the house of Mr. William Baldwin. The first bridge at this place was probably a simple contrivance for foot-passengers only, and one which would cause little loss if swept away by a flood. The reason why this spot was selected as a crossing, may be indicated by the la}^ of the land and the course of the river ; at this point the stream winds so near the bank of the hard upland, that a causeway on the eastern side is unnecessary. These natural features doubtless led to the construction of the bridge at that particular spot, and the location of the bridge determined the course of the road. About the time of the erection of the first bridge a ferry is spoken of. In 1642 Thomas Noyes was " appointed to keep a ferry for one year, for which he was to have two pence for every single passenger and if there be more to take two apiece." This ferry may have been used only at times when high water rendered the bridge or meadow impassable. As in the price fixed for transportation only "passengers" are mentioned, we infer that both the bridge and ferry were for foot-passengers alone. But a mere foot-path could not long suffice for the settlement. The west side was too important to remain isolated for want of a cart-bridge. About this time it was ordered by the town, '' That Mr. Noyes, Mr. Pendleton, Walter Haynes, John Parmenter, Jr.^ and Thomas King shall have power to view the river at Thomas King's, and to agree with workmen to build a cart-bridge over the river according as they shall see just occasion," The following contract was soon made with Ambrose Leach :

"BRIDGE CONTRACT 1643.

"It is agreed betweene the inhabitants of the towne of sudbury and Ambrose Leech, That the towne will give unto the said Ambrose 6 acres in M"" Pendleton's 2"^ Addition of meadow w'^^ shall run on the north side of his meadow lyinge on the west side of the river & shall run from the river to the upland. Allsoe foure acres of meadowe more wch shall be wtb convenient as may be. Allsoe twenty acres of upland lyinge on the west side of the river on the north side of the lande of Walter Haynes if he approve of it else so much upland Avhere it may be convenient. For and in consideration whereof the said Ambrose doth propose to build a sufficient cart bridge over the river three feet above higli water mark twelve foot wyde from the one side of the river to the other provided that the towne doe fell and cross cutt the timber and saw all the plank and carry it all to place and when it is ready framed the towne doth promise to help him raise it so that he and one man be at the charge of the sayd Ambrose and he doth promise to acomplish the work by the last

day of Aug. next. Allsoe the towne doth admitt of him

as a townsman wth right to comonage and upland as more shall be laid out and allsoe ten acres of mead owe to be layed out which other meadowe is in jfirst addition of meadowe. "Ambrose Leech Brian Pendleton

" Walter Haynes."

This contract is on the original town book without date. On the preceding page is a record dated 1642, and beyond is one dated 1641, which plainly shows either that events Avere not recorded chronologically, or that the leaves were not placed in their original order when the book was rebound in 1840. It may then be safe to conjecture that the date of this contract was 1642 or 1643. That Mr. Leach carried out his agreement in good faith, is indicated by the privileges that were afterwards accorded to him. Repeatedly, on the Proprietors' book, in the record of their meetings held in after years, are the names of Ambrose Leach and Thomas Cakebread included in the list of the early grantees, upon Avhose original rights the Proprietors based their titles to the common lands. No other names are in the list except those of the early or original grantees ; and the presumption is, that they were included on account of some service j)erformed for the town : one perhaps for building a bridge, and the other for building a mill. The next contract for building a bridge was with Timothy Hawkins of Watertown, and is as follows : "The 26th day of November, 16**.

"Agreed between the Inhabitants of Sudbury on the one part, and Timothy Hawkins of Watertown on the other part that the said Timothy shall build a sufficient cart bridge over the river, beginning at the west side of the river running across the river, five rods long and twelve feet wide, one foot above high water mark, tlie arches to be . . . foot wide, all but the middle arch which is to be 14 feet wide, the silts — inches square 26 feet long, the posts 16 inches square the

cups and 16, the braces 8 inches square, the bridge

must have a rail on each side, and the rails must be braced at ever}'^ post, the plank must be two inches thick sawn, there must be 5 braces for the plank, the bridge the bearers 12 inches square, the bridge is by him to be ready to raise by the last day of May next. For which work the Inhabitants do consent to pay unto the said Timothy for his work so done, the sum of 13 pounds to be paid in corn and cattle, the corn at the general price of the country, and the cattle at the price as two men shall judge them worth.

" The said Timoth}' is to fell all the timber and saw it, and then the town is to carry it to the place."

The town was also to help raise it. The time of this contract also is uncertain. The record of the date is so mutilated that it is uncertain whether it is 1613 or 1653. On the page preceding are the dates 1652 and 1653. If this contract was made in 1643, then that with Ambrose Leach might have been earlier than has been conjectured, and the bridge built by him may have been destroyed by a flood soon after completion, which caused the erection of another so soon.

In 1645, it was ordered "that ,£20 should be alowed y« town of Sudbury toward y^ building of their bridge and way at y^ end of it to be paid y™ when they shall have made y^ way passable for loaden horses, so it be done w''^in a twelve month." (Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 102.) The town was also for this reason at one time favored by an abatement of rates, as we are informed by the following record :

"Whereas it appears to us that Concord, Sudbury and Lancaster are at a greater charge in bridges for the publicque use of the countrye than some other of theire neighbor townes, we conceive it meete that they be abated as foUoweth ; Concord and Lancaster all theire rates, whether payd or to be payd to those two bridges above named, and Sudbury the one half of theire rates to the sayd bridges, and theire abatement to be satisfied to the undertakers of those bridges, or repayed againe to such as have payed as followeth." (Colony Records, Vol. IV., p. 307.)

The bridge built at this spot is said to be the first framed bridge in Middlesex County. The locality is one rich in reminiscences of Sudbury's early History. Over this crossing the Indians were forced, on that memorable day when King Philip attacked the town. At the "Bridge foot" were buried the bodies of the Concord men Avho were slain on that dismal day. (See period 1675-1700.) It was the bridge of the old stage period. Just beyond, by the "gravel pit," was the beginning of the "Old Lancaster road." Here was the crossing, over which Washington passed when he went through the town. Thus suggestive are the associations that cluster about the spot, and chime in with the natural loveliness that sometimes adorns it. When the meadows grow green in the spring-time as the floods are passing away, and the willows, standing in hedgerows like silent sentinels, send forth their fragrant pei'fume, here surely is a fit place for reflection, a suitable spot in which to meditate upon things that were long ago.

CAUSEWAY.

Westerly beyond the bridge was built a raised road or causeway, which was sometimes called the " Casey " or "Carsey." This is a memorable piece of highway. Repeatedly has it been raised to place it above the floods. At one time the work was apportioned by lot ; and at another the Legislature allowed the town to issue tickets for a grand lottery, the avails of which were to be expended upon this causeway.

Stakes were formerly set as safeguards to the traveler, that he might not stray from the way. In 1653, it is recorded that speedy measures were to be taken to repair the causeway and highways. Just when this causeway was built we have found no record, but we infer that it was begun as early as 1643, since at that time the cart-bridge was made, and about that time the service of Thomas Noyes as ferryman ceased. With the construction of a cart-bridge, the people would naturally construct a cart causeway, since without this a cart-bridge could be of no use for vehicles. The older causeway is that which is a few rods west of the town bridge further east, and takes a southwesterly course at the parting of the ways.

GRIST-MILL.

Another necessary convenience to the settlers was a gristmill, or, as they expressed it, "• a mill to grind the town's corn." Such a mill was erected in the spring of 1639 by Thomas Cakebread. The following is the record concerning it : " Granted to Thomas Cakebread for and in consideration of building a mill, 40 a. of upland or thereabout now adjoining to the mill, and a little piece of meadow downwards, and a piece of meadow upward, and which may be 16 or 20 a. or thereabout. Also there is given for his accommodation for his estate 30 a. of meadow and 40 a. of upland." (Town Records.)

Mr. Cakebread did not long live to make use of his mill. His widow mariied Sargent John Grout, who took charge of the property. " In 1643, the cranberry swamp formerly granted to Antient Ensign Cakebread was confirmed to John Grout, and there was granted to Sargent John Grout a swamp lying by the house of Philemon Whale, to pen water for the use of the mill, and of preparing it to remain for the use of the town."

Probably the house of Philemon Whale was not far from the present Concord road, near Wayland Centre, and possibly stood on the old cellar hole at the right of the road, north of the Dana Parmenter house. The bridge at the head of the mill-pond long bore the name of Whale's Bridge. This mill stood on the spot where the present grist-mill stands, near Wayland Centre, and whicli has been known as Reeves's, Grout's, and, more recentl}', Wight's mill. Some of the original timber of the Cakebread Mill is supposed to be in the present structure. The stream by which it is run is now small, but in early times it was probably somewhat larger. The dimensions of the mill are larger than formerl}', it having been lengthened toward the west.

CHURCH.

The town now being laid out, and the necessary means for securing a livelihood provided, the people turned their attention to ecclesiastical matters. The church was of paramount importance to the early new England inhabitants. For its privileges the}^ had in part embarked for these far-off shores. To preserve its purity they became pilgrims on earth, exiles from friends and their native land. Borne hither with such noble desires, we have evidence that when they arrived they acted in accordance with them. In 1640 a church was organized, which was Congregational in government and Calvinistic in creed or faith. A copy of its covenant is still preserved. The church called to its pastorate Rev. Edmund Brown, and elected Mr. William Brown deacon. It is supposed that the installation of Rev. Edmund Brown was at the time of the formation of the church. The town in selecting Mr. Brown for its minister secured the services of an energetic and devoted man. Edward Johnson says of him, in his " Wonder-Working Providence," " The church in Sudbury called to the office of a pastor the reverend, godly and able minister of the word, Mr. Edmund Brown, whosij labors in the doctrine of Christ Jesus hath hitherto abounded, wading through this wilderness work with much cheerfulness of spirit, of whom as followeth :

" Both night and day Brown ceaseth not to watch

Christ's little flock in pastures fresh them feed, The worrying wolves shall not the weak lambs catch;

Well dost thou mind in wildernesse their breed. Edmund, thy age is not so great but thou

Maist yet behold the Beast brought to her fall. Earth's tottering Kingdome shew her legs gin bow,

Thou 'mongst Christ's Saints with prayers maist her niawle. " What signes wouldst have faith's courage for to rouse?

See Christ triumphant hath his armies led, In Wildernesse prepar'd his lovely Spouse,

Caused Kings and Kingdomes his high hand to dread; Thou seest his churches daily are increasing,

And though thyself amongst his worthyes warring, Hold up thy hands, the battel's now increasing,

Christ's Kingdom's ay, it's past all mortall's marring."

The home of Mr. Brown Avas in the territor}^ of Wayland, by the sonth bank of Mill Brook, on what was called " Timber Neck." (See map of house-lots, Chapter V.) The house was called in his will "Brunswick," wliich means "mansion by the stream," and stood near the junction of Mill Brook with the river, a little southeast of Farm Bridge, and nearly opposite the Richard Heard place. Nothing now visible marks the spot, but both record and undisputed tradition give its whereabouts. (For further of Mr. Brown see period 1675-1700.) Mr. Brown's salary the first year was to be £40, one-half to be paid in money, the other half in some or all of these commodities : " Wheate, pees, butter, cheese, porke, beefe, hemp and flax, at every quarters end." In the maintenance of the pastor and church the town acted as in secular matters. The church was for the town ; its records were for a time town records. Civil and ecclesiastical matters were connected. If there was no state church, there was a town church, a minister and meeting-house, that was reached by and reached the masses. " Rates " were gathered no more surely for the "king's tax" than to maintain the ministry. To show the manner of raising the money for the minister's salary shortly after his settlement, we insert the following : " The first day of the second month, 1643. It is agreed upon by the town that the Pastor shall [have] for this year, beginning the first day of the first month, thirty pound, to be gathered by rate and to be paid unto him at two several payments, the first payment to be made one month after midsummer, the other payment to be made one month after Michaelmas, for the gathering of which the town hath desired Mr. Pendleton and Walter Ha3^ne to undertake it, and also the town hath discharged the pastor from all rates, for this 3-ear, and the rate to be levied according to the

rate whicli was for the meeting-house, the invoice being

taken by John Freeman." Of the prosperity of this little church, Johnson says, in his "Wonder-Working Providence," "This church hath hitherto, been blessed with blessings of the right hand, even godly peace and unity; they are not above 50 or 60 families and about 80 souls in church fellowship, their Neat head about 300."

MEETING-HOUSE.

A church formed and pastor secured, an earl}^ movement was made for a meeting-house.

"'Mid forests unsubdued

The Sabbath dome rose fair, And in their rude unsheltered homes Was heard the call to prayer."

SiMES.

The spot selected was at what is now the "Old Buiyingground," in Wayland. The building stood in its westerly part, and a few rods northerly of the Sudbury Centre and Wayland highway. The site is marked by a slight embankment, and by a row of evergreens set by Mr. J. S. Draper. The house was built by John Rutter, and the contract was

as follows :

" February 17th, 1642. " It is agreed between the townsmen of this town on the one part, and John Rutter on the other part, that the said John Rutter for his part, shall fell, saw, hew and frame a house for a meeting-house thirty foot long, twenty foot wide, eight foot between joint three foot between, stude two cross dorments in the house six clear story windows, two with four lights apiece, and four with three lights apiece, and to ententise between the stude, which frame is to be made ready to raise the first week in May next.

"John Rutter.

"And the town for their part do covenant to draw all the timber to place, and to help to raise the house being framed and" also to pay to the said John Rutter for the said work six 230unds, that is to say, three joouiid to be paid in corn at three shillings a bushel, or in money, in and upon this twenty seventh day, of this present month, and the other three pounds to be paid in money, corn and cattle to be prized by two men of the town, one to be chosen hy the town and the other to be chosen by John Rutter, and to be paid at tlie time that the frame is by the said John Rutter finished.

" Peter Noyse, Walter Haynes,

"Brian Pendleton, John How, "William Ward, Thomas Whyte."

(Town Book, p. 27.)

An act relative to the raising and locating of the building is the following, dated May, 1643: The town "agreed that the meeting-house shall stand upon the hillside, before the houselot of John Loker, on the other side of the way; also that every inhabitant that hath a house-lot shall attend [the raising of] the new meeting-house, or send a sufficient man to help raise the meeting-house." The year after the contract was made a rate was ordered for the finishing of the house, to be raised on " meadow and upland and all manner of cattle above a quarter old, to be prized as they were formerly: Shoates at 6 shillings 8 pence apiece, kids at 4 shillings apiece."

A further record of the meeting-house is as follows :

"Nov. 5th, 1645. "It is ordered that all those who are appointed to have seats in the meeting-house that they shall bring in their first payment for their seats to Hugh Griffin or agree with him between this and the 14th day of this month, which is on Friday next week and those that are (deficient) we do hereby give power to the Marshall to distrain both for their payment for their seats and also for the Marshall's own labor according to a former order twelve pence.

"Walter Hayne, William Warde.

"Edmund Goodnow, John Reddicke,

" Hugh Griffin." Considerable importance was attached in the early times to the seating of people in the meeting-honse, and in the records of new houses of worship mention is made of this matter. Respect was had to social condition and circumstance ; committees were chosen to adjust these matters in the payment of rates, and references are made in the records of town-meeting to the requests of parties about their seats in the meeting-house. A rule that was general was, that the men should sit at one end of the pew and the women at the other. In the third meeting-house erected in Sudbury it was a part of a plan that the pews should be so arranged as to seat seven men on one side and seven women on the other. In this first meeting-house of Sudbury, the people purchasing seats had a right to dispose of their purchase, in case they should leave the settlement ; but the right was reserved by the town of seating the parties who purchased, as is declared b}^ the following record, Jan. 26, 1645 : It was "ordered, that all those that pay for seats in the meetinghouse shall have leave to sell as many seats as they pay for, provided, they leave the seating of the persons to whom they sell, to the church officers, to seat them if they themselves go out of town." About this first meeting-house a burial place was soon started. No land purchase was made for this purpose until subsequent years (see chapter on Cemeteries), but, after the old English custom, graves were gathered about the church. The services held in the first meeting-house were probably like those held in other houses of the period. There were two sermons on Sunday, with a short intermission at noon. The sermon was usually about an hour in length, and the time of preaching was measured b}" an hourglass that was placed in the pulpit. Long prayers, if not in favor, were in use ; and the minister prayed for the practical needs of his little flock, detailing in his supplications the wants of the sick, the sorrowful, the sinful, and asking that all things might be sanctified to the soul's spiritual good. Strangers were sometimes asked to exhort or prophesy. Scripture reading, except reading the text, and incidental readings in the course of the sermon, was not known in the early churches. We are informed by Mr. Loring's Diary that the reading of tlie Scriptures, as a part of the Sa))l)ath service, was introduced into the Sudbury cliurcli, without opposition, in 1748. When the Scriptures were read, an exposition was expected ; and without this it was called " dumb reading." The church music was of a congregational character, and made use of for worsliip. There were no useless mummeries of meaningless tunes. Most of the churches for a time after 1640 nsed "The Bay Psalm Book," wdiich was gotten up by New England ministers, and which was the second hymn book used in British America. It is stated (Palfrey) that, for three-quarters of a century, not more than ten different tunes were used in public worship, among which were "York," "Hackney," "St. Martyns," "Windsor," and "St. Marys." The people were culled to meeting by the beating of a drum. In a record, bearing date 1652, is a statement as follows : "It shall be agreed with Edmund Goodenow^ that his son shall beat the Drum twice every lecture day, and twice every forenoon, and twice every afternoon upon every Lord's day, to give notice what time to come to meeting ; for which the town will give him twenty shillings a year and to pay hira in the town rates." This son of Edmund Goodenow was John, as the records state that, in 1654, " John Goodenow was discharged from the town's engagement for beating the drum to call persons to meeting." A sexton was soon appointed, and it is recorded that, in 1644, John Toll was to " make clean the meetinghouse for one year, and to have for his labor six shillings, eight pence."

CHAPTER VII.                 page 104

Land Divisions. Origin of the Terms " Common " and " Lot." Permission of Colonial Court for Land Division. Principles upon which Land Divisions were Made. The Meadows a Basis of Division. Meadow Rights, or Meadow Dividends. Rules of Division. Quantity of Meadow Received in. Three Early Allotments.— Division of Upland. Town's Common or Undivided Lands. Proprietors' Common or Undivided Lands. Proprietors' Meetings subsequent to 1700. Specimens of their Records. Land Allotments to be Recorded. Cow Common. Land for the Support of the Ministry. Reservations for " Planting Fields," a " Training Field," a Mill, a Pasture for " Working Oxen," Timber Land.

These are the records, half effaced. Which, with the hand of youth, he traced

On History's page.

Longfellow.

The settlers had little more than got fairly located at the plantation, when they began dividing their territory, and apportioning it in parcels to the inhabitants. Before these divisions were made there were no private estates, except such house-lots and few acres as were assigned at the outset for the settler's encouragement or help, or such land tracts as were obtained by special grant from the Colonial Court. But divisions soon came. Piece after piece was apportioned, and passed into private possession. Soon but little of the public domain was left, save small patches at the junction of roads, or some reservation for a school-house, meeting-house or pound, or plot for the village-green.

From common land, which the undivided territory was called, has come the word " common " as applied to a town common, park or public square. And from the division of land by lot, the term " lot" has come into use, as " meadowlot," " wood-lot," and "house-lot." The early land divisions

104 were made, on permission of the Colonial Court, by such commissioners as the town or court might appoint. As a specimen of these permits, we give the following :

"A Generall Court, holclen at Boston the 4'^ Day of the 7'^ month 1639.

" The order of the Court, vpon the petition of the inhabitants of Sudbury, is, that Peter No^yes, Bryan Pendleton, J [John] Parmm a [Parmenter], Edmond B [Brown], Walter Hayne, George Moning, & Edmond Rise have comission to lay out lands to the p'sent inhabitants, according to their estates & persons & that Capt Jeanison, M"" Mayhewe, M"" Flint, M"" Samuel Sheopard, & John Bridge, or any 3 of them, shall, in convenient time, repaire to the said towne, & set out such land and accomodations, both for house-lots & otherwise, both for M'' Pelham & M-^ Walgrave, as they shall think suitable to their estates, to bee reserved for them if they shall come to inhabite them in convenient time, as the Court shall think [fit]."

But while these divisions were by the permission of the court, the principles of division were largely left to the people themselves ; and in the early New England towns various methods were adopted, in accordance with the plan or compact on which the plantation was formed. In more or less of the towns, the petitioners for a land tract of which a town was to be composed were a company of proprietors which might correspond to a corporation of to-day. They had a moderator, clerk, record book, and committee. The officials of these proprietaries, before a place was incorporated, performed functions to some extent corresponding to those of town officials afterwards. The committees corresponded to the town's selectmen, the clerk to a town clerk, and the proprietors' books to town records. The proprietors' books were not only a record of their proceedings, but served also as a registry of deeds, and were the evidence of land sales, boundaries, etc.

These companies or proprietors could, by majority vote, divide up and dispose of their land in a way subject only to the terms of tlie proprietors' compact, to restrictions of the court, and the common law. When the plantation by incorporation became a town, the proprietors did not lose their original territorial rights, but the principle of ownership and control was the same as before. If, when the place was a plantation or proprietary, a person owned certain shares in the territory by reason of money paid in, or as a reward or recompense for some service performed, when it became a town he retained his right to those shares and the rights that appertained to them : and when the lands were divided those rights would be allowed. Hence, whether it were plantation or town when the division of land was made, though the act of division was subject to a majority vote, the mode of division was to have reference to the original right of every grantee. . ,

The town of Sudbury, as a plantation, was formed on what we consider the proprietary principle. The persons that petitioned for the land tract, and those • whom the}^ represented, or, in other words, the original grantees, at first possessed the whole territor}^ In their collective capacity, they had power to divide up their lands or keep them as common property ; but when divisions were made, it must be done in an equitable manner, that is, in proportion as each had paid in, or in proportion to the value of the origT inal right ; or they were to dispose of them in such a way as was, by general consent, for the common good of the company, as the selling of land to meet public expenses, or the granting of it as a gratuity to help on the settlement ; or the setting apart of a portion of it for a common pasture. But while the town had a right to do any or all of these things, as a matter of fact it did not at first divide up all of its land, except the meadows. These it divided proportionably, as we have stated, and the meadows being thus divided, became the basis of future allowance and rights ; in other words, it is supposed that tlie settlers put into the enterprise different amounts of money, and received meadow lands in proportion to what each put in ; and that, on the basis of the amount of meadow received, rates were raised for public purposes, and certain rights were possessed, as the right of commonage, or

-- J> 5 :d

2 O

=i -r,

IT

(D ^ to divisions of uplands. So far as we know, no lands were sold at the outset solely and directly to construct puljlic works, or to pay for a foot of the common territory.

Thus the division of meadow land was an important transaction. It was not only a disposal of common property of the proprietors, but it established a standard of rates, and in a certain sense of valuation. For example, money to pay for land purchased of Karto was to " be gathered according- to such quantity of meadow as are granted to the inhabitants of the town." In the division of ''uplands," the rule of receiving was according as a person was possessed of "meadow." In the pasturage of the extensive cow common, the people were to be limited in the number of cattle put in by their meadows, or their rates as based upon them.

In the erection of the meeting-house and pay of the minister reference was had to rates paid on the meadows. Perhaps the meadows thus assigned might properl}^ be termed "meadowrights." As in some places the "acre-riglit" would procure lands or privileges in proportion to the part paid into the common venture by the proprietor, so in Sudbury the meadow-right might do likewise ; and a person who possessed an original meadow-right might possess a right to subsequent land allotments, or the right of his cattle to commonage, so long as the town had undivided territory. Thus it might be said that the proprietors received values on their investment in the enterprise, not by monied divisions, but by land divisions. Hence, these divisions of land might be called the dividends of those early days, and the money raised by the town on the basis of these earh^ divisions of meadow might be called assessments on tlie stock made to meet public expenses. We conclude that these meadow-rights or dividends were merchantable, to the extent that a person in selling them might or might not convey the right that belonged to them, as related to commonage and other allotments. The lands that were given by gratulation, for worthiness or work done for the public, might or might not have the privileges of an original meadowright or dividend. In raising money to pay Karto for the land which the town last bought of him, it was ordered that " all meadow was to pay at one price, and that all meadow given In- way ol' gratulation should have right of commonage."

That the original grantees, and those subsequently given the privileges of such, as a ''gratulation" for services performed for the settlers, could transfer the right to subsequent divisions of the common and undivided land, is indicated by the records of the proceedings of the proprietors of these lands many years after the settlement of Sudbury. In the Proprietors" Book of Records, as will be noticed further along, are given repeated lists of the names of the early grantees, even after the most if not all of them had passed away. These lists are referred to as those possessing an original right to the town's undivided land, and may indicate that wherever or whenever one possessed that right as it had been conveyed through the years, in whatever way, that person could claim land when a division was made, or could vote on the disposal of the proprietors' undivided territory.

With this explanation, or setting forth of the principles of division, we are prepared to notice the divisions themselves, which are of two kinds : first, those made as an encouragement and help to the settlement ; second, those made on the principle of meadow dividends or meadow rights. The divisions made under the first head were probably two. The first of them was that of house-lots, which, as we have said, comprised only a comparatively small area, perhaps sufficient for a garden or orchard, and a small clearing about the door, and intended as an encouragement to the owner to continue there as a citizen. It is supposed these lots were given in an equable manner, the average being about four or five acres ; and when there is much variation from this, it was doubtless to make up for inequality of situation, soil, or some circumstance which called for exception. It mattered not whether married or unmarried, each received a like lot. As a rule, it was expected that those receiving lots should build upon them, as the Colony Records state (Vol I., p. 222) that "Mr. Pelham and Walgrave are granted their lots at Sudbury absolutely w'*^ out condition of dwelling there only Mr. Pelham p mised to build a house and settle a family there & to be there as much as he could in the summer time." It was essential that the phmtation should be peopled. The condition of the grant by the Colonial Court was, that there should be settled a certain number of families within a specified time ; and, in case of failure, the lands were forfeited. It was an object, then, to encourage settlement by the gift of a lot for a homestead, and so much land as was essential to give the settler a start. Beside this first allotment for liomes, at an early period an allotment was made of meadows, which may have also been for encouragement and help. An early rule for the apportionment of meadow, which we think may have been for this purpose, is this :

"It was ordered and agreed that the meadows of the town of Sudbury shall be laid out and given to the present inhabitants, as much as shall be thought meet according to this rule following.

Imprimis. To every Mr of a ffamilie 6 akers. To every wiffe Qh akers.

To every child li akers.

To ever}" mare, cow, ox, or any other cattle that may amount to 20 £ or so much money 3 akers."

We conjecture that lands given by this rule were for encouragement, from the fact that a house-lot of itself would not suffice to give a support, or afford food for the cattle. It was also essential that some meadow should at first be allowed on other than a property basis, as was the case in other divisions. The larger the household and the cattle herd, the more need of much meadow. We have no record to inform us how much meadow was assigned by this rule. By other rules, about a thousand acres, more or less, Avere divided; and if there were fifteen hundred acres of meadow in the grant which the court allowed, supposing as much was found to exist there, then about five hundred may have been divided in this way. By this rule, the settlers who came on the ship "Confidence " would receive about a hundred acres, allowing a fair amount for their stock.

We come now to consider the second class of divisions referred to, viz. : those of the meadow lands which were to be as land dividends, or as the basis of assessments for raising money to meet public expenses, or for the allotment of other lands. It is supposed that three such divisions of meadow were made on different occasions, all before the close of the year 1640. An original record of these divisions has been given on the town books, but it is now so worn that parts of it are entirely gone. It is placed early in the first book, and some one has added to it the date 1638, which is incorrect, since no divisions were made so soon. In another part of the first town book (p. 137) is found another list, signed by John Grout, a subsequent clerk. The list was probably copied by him from the original, before it became so defaced, or the lost part may have been restored by him from his personal knowledge, or from some source not now extant. Still another list is given in the Stearns' Collection, written by Noah Clapp ; and other lists are giveii in the Proprietors' Book. We gis^e the first list found in the original town book so far as it can be read, together with the preamble, and complete the list from the point where the part is wanting by the list of John Grout :

"A record of the names of the Inhabitants of Sudbury, with their several quantity of meadow to every one granted according to their estates or granted by gratulation for services granted by them, which meadow is ratable upon all common charsfes.

Imprimis

The first division.

Second.

Third.

Gratulaiiim.

M-^ William Pelham

16i

33i

25

M"" Edmund Brown

16i

33i

25

15

M'' Noyse

16

32

24

Bryan Pendleton

m

m

22

16

Walter Haine

m

29i

22i

10

John Hayne

2i

5i

4

John Blandford

li

4

21

liugh Griffyn

2

3

5i

Edmond Goodnowe

5

11

8

Bobert Beast

3i

7i

5i

Thomas Noyse

^

10

7i

Thomas Browne

7

16

IH Ill

William Browne Robert Darnill Thomas Goodnow John Freeman Solomon Johnson william ward Richard Newton John Howe George Munnings Anthony whyte Andrew Belcher John Goodnowe John Redd'ock Thomas Whyte John Farm enter Senior Edmond Rice Henry Rice

wyddow Buffumthwyte Henry Curtis John Stone John Farmenter Jun John Rutter

The first

Oratu

division.

Second.

Third. lation.

-2

3

23 4

8

17

12i 5

2

4

3

4

8

6

^

11

7|

2

4

3

2

4

3

H

7

5i 10

3

6i

4|

4

8

6i

2f

9

5|

2i

5

3|

5

10

7i

5i

12

8|

n

19

14i

8

4

7

3i

1

3

2

2

4i

4f

2

5i

31

The following names are from the list of John Grout:

John Toll John Wood Henry Loker John Loker Widow Wright John Bent

Nathaniell Treadway Widow Hunt John Maynard Joseph Taintor Richard Fordom Thomas Cakbread Mr. Herbert Felham

^

7

5i

1

3i

2i

1

3

2

2

4

3

1

14

lOi

4

5

10

n

1

3

2

10

li

4i

3

li

5

3|

30 30 The first Gratii

di vision. Second. Third. lalion.

Mr. Glover

Richard Bitlcom (Bildcome)

Robert Davis

Henry Preiitis 1^ 4 2| 3

W™ Kerly

Beside the list in this tabulated form, we have a record on the town book of the first two divisions of meadow, together with the reason assigned for the record and for the divisions of land, and also, in some cases, the locations of the lands. This record, which is as follows, we give in the order that is found in the book :

" It is ordered that all the inhabitants of this town shall have I of their total meadows laid out this present year, viz. : the first divided according to discretion, and the second by lot, and the quantity of ever}^ man's particular sum amounts to the sum following.

" Here followeth a record of the particular quantity of the acres of meadows, which were laid out in the first division unto the inhabitants, as they lie successively upon the great River, with the allowance of such acres which wei'e added to supply for the badness to be a proportionate rule to the inhabitants."

" The 22nd j.^y of February 1639.

"It is ordered and agreed that whereas now the commissioners of Sudbury have a levy to gather some money to pay for the purchase of our plantation, and also other rates for divers occasions, do order that all our rates shall now be gathered according to such quantit}^ of meadows as are granted to the inliabitants of the town according to the rate or fixed propotion, as in pages following, which we have annexed for future reference.

" Impr To Henry Prentise was laid out 1^ acres being his just quantity is to be rated for, and lieith on the north side of Bridle Point, so called now, and on the other side of the river, and adjoineth to the brook, the end bounded by marked stakes. 113

John Parraeiiter Junior 2^ Richard Newton 2

Andrew Belcher 4

Peter Noyse 16

Acres.

John How 2i

and an acre for allowance

Hugh Griffyn 2

and 14 acres for allowance

William Parker

H

Thomas Whyte

5

Thomas Browne

7

and 3 for allowance

John Parmenter Senior

5i

Joseph Tayntor

^

and 2 acres for allowance

1 acre for allowance

Henry Loker

H

John Blandford

n

John Goodnow

4i

^ acre for allowance

John Wood

H

Bryan Pendleton

12i

Robert Hunt

1

1 acre for allowance

Richard Whyte

2

Edmond Browne

IQh

Thomas Goodnow

2

2^ for allowance

Anthony White

3

George Munnings

H

John Bent

7

S^ for allowance

Widow NoN-es

2

Walter Haynes

131

William Browne

1

James Buckmaster

3

The Minister's Meadow

John Freeman

4

Thomas Joslyn

1

Goodman Witherill

2

Edmond Goodnow

5i

Solomon Johnson

3

Thomas Hayne

2i

John Knight

161

John Loker

1

Nathaniell Treadaway

5

Robert Beast

31

Henry Curtise

1

Robert Darnell

8i

John Stone

2

Thomas Noyse

4i

John Reddicke

2i

John Maynard

H

William Pell am

161

and one acre for allowance.

" Here followeth a record of the particular quantity of the acres of meadow which now laid out in the second division of them unto the inhabitants, as they fall to them by lot.

Acres.

Acres.

Impr. John How

4

Goodman Witherill

4

Bryan Pendleton

301

Hugh Griffin

5

The Ministers Meadow

Robert Hunt

3

Nathaniel Tread way

10

Richard Newton

4

James Buckmaster

7

Thomas Flyn

3

114 John Parmenter Senior John Ruddicke John Blandfoid John Wood Thomas Hayijes . William Brown Richard Whyte Thomas Goodnow Andrew Belcher Widow Noyse William Pellam Thomas Browne John Stone Henry Loker

Acres.

Acres.

12

Robert Darnell

17

5

Henry Curtys

3

4

Robert Beast

7i

7

John Goodnow

n

5i

Edmond Goodnow

Hi

3 .

8 for allowance

George Mannings

7

4

4 for allowance

H

Anthony Whyte

6i

4

Henry Prentise

4

33i

John Parmenter Junior

5i

16

William Parker

4

H

Edmund Rice

18i

H

Solomon Johnson

7

" Peter Noyse had the moiety of his second addition of meadows, his 16 acres, laid out below next Concord bounds and he has laid out 6 acres more next adjoining unto 20 acres laid out unto Edmond Browne, about and against the Bridle Point. Now in case the said Peter shall be inhibited from the enjoying of the said 16 acres last specified, it shall be lawful for the said Peter to have it laid out upon or in any meadow not laid out to any.

" Edmond Browne is to have 15 acres for his second addition, in part lying about the timber neck on the south side, if he accepteth it, and 20 acres laid out next over bridle jjoint, which 2 acres if he sliall not enjoy, or if Mr. Pellam cometh not up he is then to choose where he will have it laid out and upon any meadow tliat shall be assigned by and of Mr Herbert Pellam " 20"^ 2m:

" Edmond Brown, Peter Noyse,

" Bryan Pendleton, Walter Haynes, "Edmund Rice, George Munnings."

Beside the foregoing record of the first two divisions, there is a record, which directly follows, of an "addition" madeNov. 18, 1640, which is this : 115

" We whose names are under written being chosen by the town of Sudbury, and part in commission for to assign to the inhabitants of such hind as by order was given them which was called the third additions, have affixed unto them as followeth, the eighteenth day of November 1640.

" Granted unto

John Knight - 55

Hugh Griffin 20

These lands lie at gravel pitte

Joseph Tayntor

7i

> 2

Acres.

Acres.

To John Stone

9

John Wood

4

Nathaniel Treadaway

16i

. William Ward

8

Henry Curtys

4

John Freeman

13

John Reddicke

9i

Solomon Johnson

11

Edmond Rice

9

John Knight

6

Edmond Goodenough

Ti

Upon the south side

of the

land last above written.

Acres.

Acres.

Brian Pendleton

38

Widow Hunt

4i

Walter Haynes and Joh

n

John Bent

23

Haynes

67

John Maynard

9

Edmond Goodenough

11

Thomas Jslyn

4i

John Goodenough

9

Andrew Belcher

14

William Kerly

10

Thomas Goodnough

8i

Robert Beast

8

Mr. Noyse

53

Thomas Noj'se

17i

William Brown

18

John Waterman

12

Thomas Brown

29

Walter Haynes

22

Anthony Whyte

lOi

Bryan Pendleton

18

Thomas Cakbread

44

John Blandford

17

John Parmenter Sr

19i

Edmond Rice

25

Henry Loker

8

John Howe

8

John Goodnough

8

Robert Darnill

18

John Wood

, Hi

Henr\' Prentiss

9

Widow Rite

8i

John Parmenter Jn

9

John Loker

6i

Ricliard Newton

6i

" Peter Noyse, Br3'an Pendleton, Edmond Rice, Walter Haynes, Edmund Goodnough." Such are some of the larger land divisions recorded in the earlier days of the town, and before the division of the new grant on the west side. Other divisions took place as the years went by. Not only the meadows but the uplands were parcelled out and apportioned, some for public use, some to the early grantees, and some to individuals in return for value or service.

In 1642 an addition of upland was made "in acres according to the 1st and 2ond divisions of meadows granted unto them by the rule of their estate; and Peter Noyes, Bryan Pendleton, George Munnings, Edmund Rice and Edmund Goodenow were to have power to lay oat the 3d division at their discretion."

In 1678 John Loker was to have for a house and some land which the town desired of him for the minister, and which was situated just west of the meeting-house, " twenty pounds of money of New England, and also forty acres of land on the west side of the great river of Sudbury, in some place of the common land, that he, the said John Loker, shall choose, near to that called the World's End. Only it is to be on the eastern side of the highway, that there leads from Pantr}^ Bridge to Concord, and lieth also on the north side of the Pantry and Gulf meadows."

Rev. Mr. Sherman, also, about the same time, was to have "six acres of common upland, being on the back side of the town, at the end of Smith field ; and also six acres of meadow ground, some where out of the common meadows of this town." He was also to pasture his cattle on the common lands, and have firewood and timber from them.

These records show that a variety and abundance of territory was at the disposal of the town as late as towards the last of the seventeenth century ; but years after the town had ceased to apportion undivided lands to the inhabitants, and the original grantees were all or nearly all dead, there existed a portion of territory owned and controlled by parties who were called in tlieir record book " y^ Proprietors of y^ Common and undivided land in Sudbury." Tliese proprietors based tlieir claim to this property on the transferred ownership and right of the original grantees. These proprie117

tors met at times far along into the eighteenth century. Thev kept a record of their meetings, transacted business in an orderly way, and determined matters by majority vote. By their records we learn that thej^ sold and gave away lands, discontinued and laid out highways, and allowed territory to the town for public purposes. About the beginning of the eighteenth century the persons making up this proprietary, as given in their records, are as follows :

Thomas Frink,

Wm. Jennison,

Peter Jennison,

David Haynes,

Peter Haynes,

Samuel Wright,

Widow Blandford,

Jonas Rice,

Caleb Jonson,

Samuel Howe,

Attorney for Mr. Ed. Pelham,

Thomas Reed,

John Smith,

Thomas Godfrey,

Joseph Moore,

Benjamin Moore,

Jonathan Griffin,

Thomas Brown,

John Allen, Jonas Barnard, Joseph Noyes, John Grout, Jonathan Rice, John Adams, John Parmenter, Elisha Rice, Nathaniel Rice, Samuel Graves, Jonathan Grout, Benjamin Parmenter, James Reed, John Long, John Loker, John Haynes, Hopestill Bent, Thomas Brown, Jr.

The names of the proprietors changed as the years passed by. They held their meetings at a private residence, and one house is designated on their records as the place where they convened for years. Their lands were widely scattered throughout the town, and were divided sometimes b}^ lot. AVhen a difference existed that was not settled among themselves, they referred the matter to others. In 1705 a committee, consisting of Edward Goff'e, Joseph Noyes and Joseph Sherman, were chosen by the proprietors for the adjustment of matters relating to their division, and the following is the report, Sudbury, March 15, 1705 : " We whose names are underwritten being chosen as a committee by the Proprietors of the Common Land in Sudbury to adjust and settle the diiference between persons drawing: their risi'hts in the division of common land either by rate or by meadow we the subscribers do agree that he that hath right in the common land by his meadow and chooses to draw by his rate our opinion is that every person who hath a right in ye common by virtue of his meadow and chooses to draw by his rate made in the year 1655 that two shillings in s'^ rate shall be equal in proportion with y^ right of one acre of meadow provided the rate did arise upon their own proper estate.

"Edward Noyes, Joseph Noyes, Joseph Sherman."

Thus at an early date was the land tract first assigned by the Colonial Court for the settlement apportioned and set apart for private and public purposes. Little, doubtless, did those early inhabitants conceive of the changed condition that a century would bring forth. Little did they think that their meadow paths would become county roads, and their cow commons the site of thriving villages.

A few specimens of the proprietors' records may serve to show something of the character and doings of ''y*^ Proprietors of y^ Common and Undivided lands of Sudbury: "

" Sudbury, Janary y« 15^^ ;[705.

''Att a meeting of The Proprietors of y^ Common and undivided Land Li Sudbury Tho Browne was Chosen moderator To Cary on y« work of Sd Day By a vote of y* Proprietors of The Common and undivided Land in Sudbury Thomas Frink was Chosen and Sworn, at y'^ above sd meeting, To Perform y^ office of a Clark for y^ proprietor as above sd. By Thomas Brown Justes of y^ peace.

"Att y*^ above s"^ meeting, voted y^ y^ proprietors of y^ Common and undivided land In Sudbury will Lay out all or part of Their undivided Lands In Sudbury. Att y^ above sd meeting voted y' Samuell King ** Graves William Jenison Are Chosen a Commitey to prosecute Those y" have or Shall Traspass In falling of wood or timber on our undivided lands."

" Sudbury, febuary 13"^ 1707-8.

" Upon the Consideration of the Great Strip and waste of y^ wood and timber In the Comon or undivided Land In Sudbury, and in an espesiall manner In the Lands called the Cow Comons, for the prevention hereof we the Commetey hereafter named Doe notefy the Proprietors of said Common or undivided Land, to meet at the House of Susanna Blanford on tuesday the 24'*^ of this Instant, feburary at ten of the Clock on said Day, then and there to take sum speedy Care for the prevention thereof, By Laying out said Lands Either part of it or the whole, Either In said Cow Commons or without the Cow commons: or any other Business said Proprietors shall see cause to act or Doe when meet on said Day."

"Sudbury October 2-1"', 1710 at a meeting of y^ Proprietors Of y^ Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which meeting was by adjournment from Sept 19 1710 Cap John Goodenow Petitioning to y^ Proprietors to buy of Them one acre of land in sudbury on y^ west side of The River being y^ point of Land between y^ road y* Leads to Marlborough Northerly: and to Laidiam southerly And Esterly of y^ Land of Thomas Brintnall without any violation to Her Majes^ Highways on every side."

"■ Sudbury February 16 inl At a meeting of y« Proprietors Of the Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which meeting was b}^ adjorunment from January 12 : 1712-1-3. Said Proprietors by a vote Granted to John Brooks and his wife During Their Natural Lives having a small Hous on the same And is Fenced in : : Shall be and Remaine for Ever for the use of the poor To be ordered and Disposed of by the selectmen of Sudbury for y^ use and Benefit of the poor. Likewise said Proprietors Granted y' There should be so much Land Added to this Land as to make y^ same

seven acres of the Land near or adjoining to y^ same

Likewise y^ Proprietors Granted that There should be Two Acres of Land added to the Donation of Ensign Peter Noyes to the Town of Sudbuiy for the use of the poor. The said Two Acres to be Laid out as said David Hayns shall Judge most conveniant Joyning to said Donation. Likewise said Proprietors Granted that There shall be a further Addition to y^ above said Donation of Ensign Noj^es and Impowered sarj David Hayns to lay out so much Land as he shall think needful for flowing and in larging the mill pond."

"Sudbury May 25'^ 1713. At a Meeting of y^ Proprietors of the Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which Meeting was by Adjournment from March The 23: 1713 The Proprietors Chosen and Impowered The Comitte hereafter Named To view and lay out Two Conveniant Training places or Fields in said Sudbury and on each side y^ River where it may Be most Conveniant and the Comitte are to agree with any p''son or p'sons y' ownetli y^ Land y* is most Convenient for said Training places if Land may not Conveniently be found for said uses in y^ said undivided Land in said Sudbury: the Comitte are Capt Brown Capt Hayns Leiut Frink Leiut Hayns Ens Noyes Ens John Balcom Quarf Brintnal Quarf Carter y^ Major part of said Comitte are Impowered to act in said affair and to make Return of Their Doings in it to y^ Proprietors at their next meeting : Likewise the Proprietors Adjourned their meeting to the 14 Day Septemb 1713 to be at y^ hous of Mrs Susanah Blanford in said Sudbury at Twelve of y^ clock Noon on said Day."

At a meeting "of y^ Proprietors of The Common and undivided Land in Sudbury on June y^ 14: 1714 = said Proprietors by a vote Granted y* the Land Layd out on y^ East side of y^ River in said Sudbury for a Training Field shall Lye for y*^ use aforesaid for ever according to y^ Plott and return of y^ Comitte : : Said Proprietors at said meeting by a vote Adjourned their meeting untill Monday the 28 of this Instant June at Twelve of y^ Clock noon of said Day: to be at y^ Hous of Mrs Susan^*^ Blanford in said Sudbury."'

The proprietors, at a meeting on April 5, 1715, " granted by a vote to Ens John Noyes a Liberty To fence in the old burying place but yet y^ said Noyes his heirs and assigns are for ever prohibited and hindered from breaking up said burying Place or seting up any building on the same it heing kept and reserved for bui-ying ground.

"Peter Hayns, Moderator."

" Sudbury July 1715 : Upon The Desire of Jolni Rice Jun yt he might have a high way from his hous into the Country road To pass to meeting Market & Mill &c: we the Subscribers being Apointed by the Proprietors &c for The Squadron have Layd out an Open high way of Two rods wide Beginning at the said Rice Land near his Barn on the south Side To y^ road that leads To Framingham, and marked Trees runing from where we began The Cow Comon Land To Ensig" Jonathan Rices Lot, so runing through that to The South east Corner of Mathew Gibbs his field, and so along by his fence to the road upon Lanham Plain, and the said Jonathan Rice being present Did Agree, Provided the Proprietors would make him Allowance And he would have his Allowances Upon the Gravel Hill by his hous.

" Benj"''^ Moor, ) " Sam- Wright, p«"^^"^-"

" Sudbur}^ Februar}'^ 26: 1716: 17: at a meeting of y^ Pjoprietors of the Comon and undivided Land in Sudbury by adjournment from December 18 : 1716 voted by the Proprietors that the}^ will have another Addition as big as their Division first Layd out in the Comon and undivided Land in Sudbur}^ And that the}^ will draw lots who shall be y^ first and so successively till all the Lots are Drawn Pitched and Layd out and if any Propi-ietor after notice given him by the Surveyor or Chain . . . By y^ Comittes order or y^ Committe To pitch their Lots Doe neglect or refuse to Doe the same, and not 23itch Their Lot or Lots in the space of Twenty four hours after notice given : That then the Comitte shall pitch It and the surveyors shall proceed to the next Lot or Lots every man paying the charge before any Record be made of it."

" The proprietors voted that there shall be a Brnwing place Layd out on the west side of The River of one acre and a half in y« most Convenient Place : Cap* Hayns ]\P Peter Hayns Sarj Benj Moors Lt Hayns Corp^ Nathan^' Rice are the Comitte Chosen by the Proprietors to Doe this work."'

"At a meeting of the proprietors held 1717 At tlie house of Mrs. Susannah Bhinford there is the following record of roads granted to be laid out. Highway laid out in the south squadron on y^ West Side of The River in Sudbury Aprill 1715 by us the Subscribers A highway from y^ Country road To Blandford's pond of four rods wide beginning Between Sam" wrights and Joseph Goodnows and so by Lt Thomas Brintnalls hous and so by Brooks^ and over green hill and over Pinners wash to y^ Said Pond marked as the path now runs and So to be Lye and continue. The said highway to run up to the Thirty rod highway at the new grants This Said highway to be held four rod wide and at Benj wrights land bounded by said Land and by wrights land where it toucheth : : Also a highway out of said Highway into Lancaster Boad beginning on y^ North end of Green hill so running Down to Noah Claps Land on the nor west corner as the path now goes by the Land of Benj Moor as the path goes to Long meadow brook Between y^ land of said Moor from thence as the path goes to the lower end of south meadow into Lancaster road holding four rods wide through ; and marked trees all along : Also a highway from Brooks* Hous into the mill path and so over Goodmans Hill as the path goes the Said road to be a bridle road through Lt Thom* Brintnells Land by Brooks s for People to pas and repass with horse and team without molestation or interruption with opening and shutting gates after Them : not being allowed to Cutt any wood within said Brintalls Land or fences : and to be an open road then to the end running as the path goes By the Land of Benj Moor unto the Mill Path and to the corner of Thomas Plympton Land and so over Goodmans Hill."

Such are some of "y^ Proprietors' " records that have date after 1700. But a few specimens have been selected from the scores of pages contained in their book. As the proprietors held their meetings several times in a year, and met occasionally more than once a month, their records considerably accumulated as time passed by. In the present, we hear little or nothing of " y® Proprietors' " acts ; tradition is silent concerning them ; but old bridle- ways and cart-paths, that may be marked by fallen or moss-covered walls, were first traced, it may be, by "y^ Proprietors'" committee, as they laid out a right-of-way to some ancient meadow lot, or to some wood-land just divided up. Though the farm boy knows little of the lane to the pasture bars, except that the herd pass along it, and the farmer little of the history of his familiar home, yet " y^ Proprietors" may have determined the locality of both homestead and lane at a meeting held at Susannah Blanford's, where they Avere accustomed to meet. The old oak left alone on the hillside, or that midway stands on the plain, may have been " blazed " by strokes of the proprietors' axe, and served as a boundary of some new allotment. Thus, though no chronicler may trace out their ways, nor map off their ancient domain, various farms in the town contain more or less of the many broad acres of "y^ Proprietors' Common and undivided lands."

After the divisions of the town land, care was taken to have them duly recorded. This is indicated by the following record from the Town Book :

" In a public town meeting, warned for the examination of the record of land according to the town grant, which thing was duly performed, all the record both first and last, respecting the town grant to the inhabitants, were published read and approved ; and hereupon the town ordered, that any Inhabitant should have liberty to repair to Hugh Griffin our town clerk, who upon their desire, shall within three daj's space, give them a true copy of the record of such land as they have record of in the town book under his hand which shall be a correct title, they paying the clerk for his service."

It was not only a privilege to have a record of lands preserved, but at an early date it was made compulsory. In 1641 it was ordered that all who had land laid out should bring in a copy of it, that it might be recorded by the twentieth day of September; and, for neglecting to do this, twenty shillino:s were to be forfeited. We do not propose to engage in the work of locating each allotment of land; this could not be done in man}' instances, and, if undertaken, would be liable to mistakes, so often did property change hands in those ilnys. Moreover, the boundary marks that were made use of oftentimes were of a transient or changeable character, which, though familiar to the people of that generation, are now wholly obliterated. For example :

"Here followeth the line of the new grants with the mark. 1 a black oak 2 a white oak, 3 a black oak 4 a black oak dead 5 a walnut tree, 6 a white oak near Jethro's field, 7 a lone red oak, [8] in a swamp a dead [red] oak, 9 a white ash tree in a run of water, 10 a naked pine tree on rocky hill, 11 a chestnut, 12 a white oak, 13 a white oak, 14 a white oak, 15 is a dead black oak stands at the westerly corner with a heap of stones at the root of the tree.

" John Goodnow in the name of the rest who went last on parambulation."

(Date 1640.)

While the early land divisions were being made, reservations were also made of lands for pasturage, which it was understood were to remain undivided. These lands were called " Cow Commons," and the record of them explains their use. The first was laid out or set apart the 26th of November, 1643, and was on the east side of the river. The record concerning the location is as follows :

" It is concluded by the town that all the lands southward that lie from the southeast corner of the house-lot of Robert Darn ill, unto the common cartbridge going to Edmund Goodnow's meadow, and so upon a strait line to Watertown bound, which lands so granted, for a cow common, shall never be reserved or laid down without the consent of every Inhabitant that hath right in commonage. All the lands we say that are contained within these terms, that is between the houselot of Robert Darnill and the cartbridge before specified, southward within the five miles bound first granted, down to the great river, and bounded on the side

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'\ V V v^ whicli the extremity of our line bounding Watertown and Sudbury, all our land contained within these terms except all such laud as have been granted out in particular, that is to say a neck of upland lying between mill brook and Pine brook, also anotlier neck of land with the flat belonging to it lying between the aforesaid neck and the great river on the other side, also another plat of land that lieth westward from them, containing some 3 or 4 score acres and granted out to particular men.

" The Inhabitants of tlie town are to be limited and sized, in the putting in of cattle upon the said common in proportion according to the quantity of meadow the said inhabitants are stated in ujDon the division of the meadow, or shall be instated in by purchase hereafter, provided they buy with the meadow the liberty of commonage alloted to such a quantity of acres as shall be purchased.

" Bryan Pendleton, Walter Hayne, " Peter No yes, William Ward,

" John Wood, Thomas Jslyn,

" Edmund Goodnow, Thomas Goodnow, " John Reddicke,"

It is somewhat difficult to define the bounds of this cow common exactly from the description given in the records, but the following may be considered its general outline : From Weston bound direct to Wayland centre, thence west of south to the river, and thence again direct to Weston bound.

The cow common on the west side was reserved in 1647, and is thus described in the Town Book :

"It is ordered by the town that there shall be a cow common laid out on the west side of the river to remain in perpetuit}-, with all the upland within these bounds, that is to say, all the upland that lies within the bound tliat goes from Bridle point through Hopp meadow, and so to the west line, in the meadow of Walter Hajne, and all the upland within the gulf and the pantre brook to the uper end of the meadow of Robert Darnill, and from thence to the west line, as it shall be bounded by some men appointed by the town, except it be such lands as are due to men alread^^, and shall be laid out according to the time appointed by the town. Walter Hayne and John Groute are appointed to bound the common, from Goodman Darnill's meadow to the west line."

The territory which AA^as comprised in this common may be outlined, very nearly, by the Massachusetts Central Railroad on the south, the Old Colony Railroad on the west, Pantry Brook on the north, and the river on the east. It will be noticed that these two commons included most of the hilly portions of the town, on both sides of the river; and it was doubtless the design of the settlers to reserve for common pasturage these lands, because less adapted to easy cultivation. But in process of time they ceased to be held in reserve. More or less controversy subsequently arose about what was known as " sizing the commons," and by the early part of the next century they were all divided up and apportioned to tlie inhabitants ; and now over the broad acres of those ancient public domains are scattered pleasant homesteads and fertile farms, and a large portion of three considerable villages, namely, Sudbury, South Sudbury,, and Wayland Centre.

Beside the reservation of territory for common pasturage, lands were laid out "for the use of tlie ministry." Two such tracts were laid out on each side of the river, consisting of both meadow and upland, which were let out to individuals, the income derived therefrom going towards th,e minister's salary. The lands that were situated on the west side have passed from public to private possession, being sold in 1817 for $3,200.98.

Various other portions of land were reserved for public use. In 1617 fifty acres of upland about Hop Brook Meadow (South Sudbury), "near the cart-path that goes over the brook," was " to be reserved for the use of the town when they shall set a mill upon it." (See period 1650-75.) Lands situated in various places were assigned for general planting fields. (See Chapter VIII.) A training field was laid out in 1610, consisting of about nine acres, near the present Abel Gleason estate, a portion of it lying southerly of Mr. Gleason's house. And the same year there was reserved in the space enclosed by the first streets, and lying in the direction of Mill Brook or the present Concord and Waylaiid highway a common pasture "for working oxen."

Besides the reservations thus made, there were small tracts set apart for timber lands or other public purposes. In 1642 three swamps were reserved ; " one back of the house [lot] of Walter Haynes, and by a fresh pond ; " " another lying under the north side of a hill called Long Hill lying towards Concord;" and " another swamp that butteth against Concord line ; also these swamps are reserved in common for the use of the inhabitants."

April 5, 1662, it was " ordered that the town of Sudbury will keep the said one hundred and thirty acres of land which the said Thomas Noyes did lay- down at Doescine Hill [Doeskin Hill, Nobscot District] to be a peculiar store of timber for the use of the town. Also voted that no inhabitant of Sudbury whatsoever shall fell any tree or trees whatsoever growing upon the said one hundred and thirty acres at Doescine Hill upon the forfeiture of 19s. a tree." In 1685 the town ordered that there should be "a piece of ten or a dozen acres of the best timber land at or about Goodman's Hill for a reserve for timber for the town's only use."

CHAPTER VIII.                 page 128

Miscellaneous. Laws Concerning Domestic Animals, Birds, Wolves, Ammunition and Fire-arms. Common Planting Fields. Fence Viewers and Fences, Staple Crops. Meadow Grass; Abundance, Time and Price of Cutting, Measures for Improving. Mode of Travel. Staking the Causeway. Climate. Rain ami Snow Fall.

— Occasion of Floods. Breaking Out Roads. Care of the Poor. Laws for the Prevention of Poverty Enacted by the Town ; by the Province. Town Action for the Encouragement of Industry. Education. Morality. -Instruction in the Use of Fire-arms. Tything-men. Stocks Lecture Day. Fasts. Baptism of Infants. Laws Relating to Labor.— Payments Often Made in Produce.

— Negroes Bought and Sold. Copy of Bill of Sale. Schedule of Inliabitants a Century and a Half Ago Respect Shown by the Use of Titles; by Gratulation ; by Seating in the Meeting-House. Careful of Dues. Precaution Against Fire. Borrowinsi Canoes. Board of the Representatives. Peculiar Names of Places.

For the structure that we raise,

Time is with materials filled; Our to-days and yesterdays

Are the blocks with which we build.

Longfellow.

In early colonial days, and also later in the provincial period, laws were enacted and customs existed that now look curious and quaint. These laws ;ind customs were the. result, not only of the characteristic ways of the people, but also of the condition and circumstances of the country Jind the times. These changed, new rules and practices came into use ; and, as we become accustomed to them, the old look far distant, as if belonging to another race. It is onr purpose in the present chapter to relate some of these customs, usages and laws, and also to give an account of some incidental matters that belong not only to this but to subsequent periods. To do this by grouping tliem in a single chapter will make less of a break in the narrative than to mention them in chronological order as we proceed with this work.

LAWS RELATING TO DOMESTIC ANIMALS.

In 1641 it was ordered that " every one that keeps any hogs more than his own within one fortnight after tliis day shall rid them out of this town only that for every hog that shall be taken in to be kept b}'' any won more than his own for every week shall pay five shillings." In 1613 it was ordered " that every inhabitant should drive out his hog every morning into the wood, and when tliey come home at night to see them shut up safe or else if they be about tlie street to ring and yoke them." In 1618 it was voted in town meeting, " that every swine that shall be found of any man out of his own properity without a sufficient yoke and ring, after the first of March next, the owner thereof shall forfeit for every swine so taken one shilling, and if the swine be yoked and not ringed or ringed and not yoked, then six pence for any swine so taken, beside all the damage done by any such swine." It was also " agreed that all yokes should be under the throat of the swine, and so long as the swine Avas high and a rope go up on each side to be fastened above, and that swine should not be accounted sufficientl}^ ringed if they could root."

In 1613 it was " ordered by the freemen of the town that all the cattle within this town shall this summer not be turned abroad witliout a keeper, and the keeper shall not keep any of the herd in any of the great river meadows from Bridle Point downwards towards Concord, the intent of the order to preserve the river meadows." In 1655 it was orderd that " all young new weaned calves shall be herded all the summer time."

It was ordered that "every goat that is taken in any man's garden, orchard or green corn shall be impounded and the owner shall pay for any such goat so taken 3 pence."

In 1751 it was voted "that a fine of two shillings be laid upon the owner of any dog or dogs that should cause and make any disturbance at either of the meeting-houses on the Lord's day, or Sabhath day, one half of the fine was to go to complainant and the other half to the use of the town."

Tiiere is a record of a contract made with William Brown and Edmund Goodnow for making a pound. It was to be six feet or six and a half from the ground to the top of the upper rail, the posts a foot square, with seven rails, the upper rail pinned at each end. In 1664 Joseph Noyes was to keep the pound, and to have "four j^ence for every particular man's cattle every time they are impounded." The only pound, so far as we know, that within a few j^ears belonged to the town of Sudbury, was situated at the northeast corner of the Sudbury Centre old'burying-ground.

In 1617 the town mark ordered by "y^ General Co'te for Horses to be set upo" one of y*^ nere y''t"" was "SJudberry." (Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 225.)

LAWS CONCERNING BIRDS.

In 1651 it was ordered by the town " that whoso shall take pains by nets, guns, line or otherwise, to destroy common offensive blackbirds, whether old or young, that for encouragement therein, they shall be paid for ever}^ dozen of heads of those birds that are brought to any public town meeting, six pence in the next town rate." The order was to continue five years, and the birds were to be killed in town and by the people of the town. The law for destroying blackbirds as late as 1700 stood thus : " Voted that what Persons of or belonging to Sudbur}^ shall kill an}'- old blackbirds from the 29''^ March 1700, to the last of May 1700, shall have a penny per lied." In 1651 a person who killed a woodpecker or jay might receive one penny. The same year an inhabitant killing a fox within the town precincts was allowed one shilling six pence.

LAWS CONCERNING WOLVES.

That an order was passed relating to wolves we learn from the following notice of its repeal in 1646: "The order for wolves, that was formerly made by the town was ten shillings for any wolf killed within this town, is repealed." Whether the bounty was too great, or the wolves had become thinned out, we know not. But, though this order was repealed, an order relating to these animals was passed afterwards. In 1679 " the town granted in addition to the ten shillings which the law gave ten shillings more, upon the presentation of the wolf's head tq. the town constable." The wolf was to be killed in town, but it was ordered that " all borderers that paid town rates, that killed any wolf upon their own lands tho' not within the town lands, should have the reward." As this order was after King Philip's war, it may be that during its continuance the wolves increased. If some of the more exposed estates were during that period abandoned, the wild animals of the woods might have been left to a freer range tlian was allowed them for a season before the war. A wolf bounty was granted as late as 1709, when the town allowed " any of y^ inhabitants of Sudbury that kills any wolf or wolves above a month old within y« Bound of Sudbury shall have ten shillings allowed him or them."

LAWS CONCERNING AMMUNITION AND FIRE-ARMS.

In 1653, "The town appointed Edmund Goodnow and Hugh Griffin to divide the shot and overplus of bullets to the inhabitants, what was wanting in shot to make up out of the overplus of bullets, and the shot and bullets to be divided to each man his due by proportion according to what every man paid so near as they can."

In 1669, '' Edmund Goodnow, John Parmenter, Jr., and John Stone were to see to the barrel of powder, to the trial of it, to the heading it up again, and to take some course for the safe bestowing of it."

The same year the selectmen not onl}^ ordered for the providing of a barrel of powder, b at a hundred pounds and a half of musket bullets, and a quarter of a hundred of matches. When the third meeting-house was built, it was ordered that there should be in it " a conveniant place for the storing of the ammunition of the town over the window in the southwest gable." About that time the town's stock of ammunition was divided and intrusted to persons who would " engage to respond for the same" in case that it was "not spent in real service in the resistance of the enemy."

The Colonial Court at an early date ordered that " the town's men in ever}^ town shall order that ev'y house, or some two or more houses ioyne together for the breeding of salt peetr i' some out house used for poultry or the like." The duty of looking after this matter for Sudbury was assigned to Ensign Cakebread. The saltpetre thus obtained was for the manufacture of gunpowder. In 1645, Sudbury was " freed from y^ taking further care about salt peeter houses : : : in answer to their petition."

In 1642 the Court made more stringent the laws previously existing against selling fire-arms to the Indians, exacting a forfeiture of XIO for the sale to them of a gun, and £5 for a pound of powder.

In 1643 the Court ordered " that the military officers in every town shall appoint what arms shall be brought to the meeting-house on the Lord's days, and other times of meeting, and to take orders at farms and houses remote that ammunition bee safely disposed of that an enemy may not possess himself of them."

COMMON PLANTING FIELDS.

In the town's earlier years it was the practice to plant fields in common ; and repeatedly in the records are these common fields referred to. These planting places were situated in different parts of the town ; between the old North and South street in the neighborhood of the Gleasons, also between Mill Brook and Pine Brook along "the Plain" in the vicinity of the Drapers, and towards the south bound of the town, near the new bridge. In 1642, five general planting fields are spoken of. Various reasons suggest themselves for this planting in common. The "plow lands " that were easily worked were comparatively few as late as 1654, as Johnson states in his " Wonder Working Providence." (See Chap. I.) When there was a large open space of easy cultivation, it was better to make of it one field, that several might share in its benefits. Moreover, these fields required vigilant watching to protect them from marauding beasts and birds ; tlie several owners of the crops could stand guard by turns, and so many hands make light work ; sometimes, also, it would he necessary to join teams. Besides these general fields, there were also •' men's particular fields."

FENCE VIEWERS AND FENCES.

A good degree of attention was early bestowed by tlie town on its fences. Several surveyors were appointed each year to look after them ; and although the ofiice of " fence viewer" has now gone into disuse, it was once one of considerable responsibility. As early as 1655, " Surveyors were appointed to judge of the sufficiency of the fences about men's particular properties in cases of damage and difference." We read in the records that John Maynard and John Bhmford were, a certain year, to attend to the fences " of the field and the cornfield on the other side of the way from the pond to the training place." "Edmund Rice and Thomas Goodenow for all the fences of cornfields from new bridge southward within the town bound."

In 1674, "The work of fence viewing on the west side of the river was assigned to Serjeant : : Haynes, Thomas Reed and Edward Wright. These were appointed surveyors of all the field fences on the west side of the great river of the toAvn and Lanham Penobscott new mill." The persons appointed to view the fences, likewise, had power to enforce their orders. In 1641, " It was ordered that those men who were deputed to look after the fences shall have power to distrain for every rod of fence not lawful, half a bushel of corn, the one-half to him that looks to the fence the other half to the town."

In 1666 the records state that " Persons were appointed surveyors for this year over tlie fields where Henry Loker dwells, and the field fences, where Solomon Johnson dwelleth." Field fences are mentioned as being on the south side of Pine Brook, also as being between Mill Brook and Pine Brook; also, "upon the hill from, the little pond by the dwelling house of John Blanford unto Mill brook." Several kinds of fences were used. One kind was made by ditching. It was ordered, in 1671, "That all the great river meadows shall be fenced, that is to sa}- that all the proprietors of the great river meadows shall fence the heads or both ends of the meadows, and where it may be necessar}^ to have a ditch made from the upland to the river at the charge of the squadron that shall lie on both sides of the said ditch according to their benefit." For the upland, also, this mode of fencing was sometimes used. By the roadside, about half way between Wayland Centre and the Plain, are distinct traces of one of these ancient fences.

Hedges were sometimes made use of. Mention is made of fences that were to l)e made up " of good rails well set three feet and one-half high or otherwise good hedge well staked or such fences as would l)e an equivelant the fences to be attended to by April 1^' if the frost give leave if not then ten days after." After a certain date all the field fences were to be closed, as is indicated by the following : '' It is ordered, that all the fences that are in general fields, in this town of Sudbury, shall be shut up by the 10th May or else to forfeit for every rod unfenced five shillings."

STAPLE CROPS.

Some of the staple crops were Indian corn, sometimes called by the one word "Indian," rye, barley, wheat, peas and oats. Hemp and flax were also raised.

Hay was early a great staple article ; this, as we have noticed, the river meadows bountifully produced. To such an extent did this crop abound, that the settlers not only kept their own stock, but tlie}^ received cattle from abroad. (See Chapter I.)

The time for cutting the meadow grass is indicated by such statements as these. When Sergant John Rutter hired the Ashen swamp meadow, "he was to cut the grass by tlie 10''^ of July, or else it shall be lawful for any other man to cut the said meadow." He was to pay for it that 3"ear 4s. and 6 pence. Such prices as the following are also mentioned : two bushels of wheat and one bushel of Indian corn for Long Meadow. Strawberry Meadow was let out the same j'ear, 1667, for one bushel of wlieat ; also the minister's meadow in Sedge Meadow was let out for eight shillings to be paid in Indian corn ; Ashen Swamp Meadow was let out the same year to Ensign John Grout for three shillings, to be paid one-half in wheat, the other in Indian corn. The meadow on the southeast side of the town was let out to Henry Rice for a peck of wlieat. These, we think, were probably common meadows of the town, and let out from year to year.

Measures were taken from time to time for improving the meadow lands. In 1645, a commission was granted by the colonial authorities (Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 99) "for y^ btf & impvng of y^ medowe ground vpon y^ ryver running by Concord & Sudberry." Later, also in 1671, a levy of four pence an acre was to be made " upon all the meadow upon the great river for the clearing of the river ; that is, from Concord line to the south side, and to Ensign Grout's spring."'

MODE OF TRAVEL.

The travel by vehicle in those early times was, for the most part or wholly, by means of the cart, as we infer from tlie mention of this term in connection with bridges and ways ; as where the Court orders that Sudbury should make cartways, and as in a contract for a cart-bridge over the river, and a cart-bridge at Lanham. This was probabh^ a clumsy conveyance, and used for farm work and freight, rather than for passenger travel.

Travelers probably went on horseback or on foot ; in earl}times the pillion was used, by which two could ride on one beast. To keep people from danger in passing over the causeway, stakes were arranged along the roadside, and we read about 1742 of staking the long causeway for a guide. In 1730, the following article is found in a warrant: "To see if the town will take care and order that the fences on the north side of the Long causeway be taken or struck down so as to prevent the snow from drifting thereon."

CLIMATE.

The following records will serve to indicate the character of the climate at that period compared with the present. It was at one time ordered by the town that the fences should he set By the 1st or the 10th of April. In 1642, "it was ordered that no cattle were to be found ou the phmting fiekls and all the fences were to be up by March 1st."

Tradition says the snow-fall was formerly greater than at present. If this is so, the fact may be due to the removal of a great quantity of timber. The same cause might also lessen the fall of rain. Greater rain-falls and the retention of moisture in the vast forest tracts ma}^ have enlarged the small streams, and rendered them more efficient for mill -power than the}^ are now. The same cause may have made extensive river floods. Tliis may also explain the fact that formerly there were fi-eshets, notwithstanding the absence of dams along the river course.

But if the temperature was ordinarily about the same as it is now, there were seasons of unusual severity.

"• In y^ 3^ear 1667 from y« middle of November until y^ middle of March was the tereblest winter for continuance of frost and snow and extremety of cold that ever was remembered by any since it was planted with English ; and was attended with terebell coughs and colds and fever which passed many out of time into eternity, and also through want and scarcity of fother multitudes of sheep and cattle and other creatures died. It is a duty incumbent on all those that call themselves the people of God to consider his great works and the operations of his hands. John Goodnow Clerk.''

" Feb. 7, 1763. There has been no rain this Winter nor sence the snow came, and the springs is low and they grind but two bushels in a day at this mill, the snow is on a leavil 3 foot and 3 inches in open land." (Stearns' Collection.)

With great snow-falls came the necessity of " breaking out the roads." In early times this was done with ox-teams. Most of the farmers had one or more " yokes of oxen " or " steers." Perhaps a dozen of these were attached to a stout ox-sled, and thus the roads were ploughed through. Often a plow was attached to the sled's side, the more effectually to widen the path. Sometimes strips of road were abandoned entirely for the season where the way Avas unusually blocked, and the fields used instead. A very merry morning it was for tlie men and boj^s when all liands were called out for this work. The train starts out with a single ox-team, but is joined by others as house after house is readied until reinforcements make a long train.

CARE OF THE POOR.

In 1649, it was ordered that certain persons " have power to speak witli Mrs. Hunt, about her person, house [or home] and estate, and to take some care for her relief." The following vote was recorded years afterwards : that " Mrs Hunt shall have fifty shillings, out of a rate to be made this present February 1665, this in respect of her poverty." In 1669 [or 7] Mrs. Hunt was to have fifty shillings pension paid out of the town rate. In 1673, " because of the poverty of her famely, it was ordered that Mr. Peter Noyes do procure and bring sergeon Avery from Dedham to the Widow Hunt of this town to inspect her condition to advise, and direct, and administer to her relief, and cure of her distemper." Ten pounds were also to be put " into the hands of Peter Noyes with all speed to assist Mrs. Hunt with."

About 1663, a contract was made with Thomas Rice to keep a person a year, "if he live as long," for which he was to have five pounds sterling; and if the person kept had any, or much sickness during the year, the town was to give Mr. Rice " satisfaction to content, for any physic, attendance or trouble." In 1663, £1 were added to the present rate, "for the use of Thomas Tfling's sickness, and to pay for intendance of him." In 1664, John White was " exempted from paying his present rate to the town, and also unto the minister." Dr. Loring, in his diary, gives repeated instances of collections taken for the afflicted in the time of his ministry; as, for example, in 1750 : " Lord's day, had a contribution for Thomas Saunders, laboring under a severe and incurable cancer; collected <£16-8-0." In 1757 or '59, "had a contribution for our brother, Tristam Cheeny. ,£31 was gathered." About 1762, October 7th, public Thanksgiving: "A contribution was made for the wife of Asahel Knight of Worcester. £1S was collected." LAWS FOR THE PREVENTION OF POVERTY.

But, while the people, as shown by such instances, were generous to the deserving poor, as a town the}^ took stringent measures for the prevention of poverty. This it did, both by discouraging its importation, and by encouraging what tended to thrift. In the records we find the following: "•In consideration of the increase of i^oor people among us, : : : as also considering how many poor persons from other towns come in to reside, Ordered, That not any one who owned houses or lands in town should either let or lease any of them unto any strangers that is not at present a towndweller, without leave or license first had and obtained of the selectmen in a selectmen's meeting or by leave had and obtained in a general town-meeting or otherwise shall stakedown, depositate, and bind over a sufficient estate unto the selectmen of Sudbury, which said estate so bound over unto the said selectmen, that shall be in their the said selectmen's judgment sufficient to have and secure the town of Sudbury harmless from any charge that may so come by the said lands so leased, and if any person notwithstanding this order shall lease any houses or lands unto any stranger as above said without lisence and giving good security as above said, shall for every week's entertainment of a stranger into his houses or lands, forfeit the sum of 19 shillings 6 pence to the town of Sudbury; and any person bringing a stranger presuming to come as a truant contrary to order as above said, shall for every week's residence forfeit 19 shillings 6 pence to the town of Sudbury."

In 1683, Mathew Rice was to be warned to come before the town clerk, for admitting to some part of his land Thomas Hedley, who brought his wife and child. Thomas Hedley was also to be warned to quit the town. Another person was censured for " taking in and harboring of Christopher Petingal, who is rendered to be a person of a vicious nature, and evil tongue and behavior, and otherwise discouraging enough." In 1692-3 a law was enacted by the province, by which towns were allowed to warn away strangers. If the warning was not given within three months, then the parties so far became residents, that, if in need, they were to receive assistance from the town. If persons warned did not leave within fourteen days, the constable could remove them by law. The town repeatedly made use of this power.

ENCOURAGEMENT OF INDUSTRY.

About 1663 the town voted to grant " Mr. Stearns of Charlestown, ironmonger and blacksmith," certain meadow lands, and " firewood for his family use, and wood for coals for to do the smithy work." He was also to take timber in the commons " to build his house and shop and fence." A little later Joseph Graves Avas allowed to take timber to build a house, and part of the land formerly given him to erect a smith shop upon. Also there was granted to Richard Sanger " six acres of meadow, on the west side of the river, upon the condition he stay amongst us to do our smith's work for four years, the time to begin the twentyfourth day of August, 1646."

EDUCATION.

The following records afford some information concerning early educational advantages in Sudbury. In 1664 " the town promised to give answer at the next meeting whether or no they will accommodate Mr. Walker [with] any lands towards his encouragement to keep a free school in Sudbury." We infer that Mr. Walker was encouraged in his project by the following report on educational matters rendered in 1680 :

"And as for schools, tho' there be no stated school in this town, for that the inhabitants are so scattered in their dwellings that it cannot well be, j^et such is the case that, by having two school dames on each side of the river, that teacheth small children to spell and read, which is so managed by the parents and governors at home, and prosecuted after such sort as that the selectmen who distributed themselves did within three months last past so examine families, children, and youth, both as to good manners, orderly living, chatechizing, and reading, as that they returned from all parts a comfortable good account of all these matters, and render them growing in several families beyond expectation, rarely reprovable anywhere, encouraging in most places, and in others very commendable, so as that the end is accomplished hitherto. And for teaching to Avrite or cypher, here is Mr. Thomas Walker, and two or three others about this town, that do teach therein, and are ready to teach all others that need, if people will come or send them."

Fiom the report rendered the court for the county of Middlesex, in reference to education in morals, we infer that attention was early turned to that matter. In 1655 persons were "appointed for to take pains for to see into the general families in town, to see whether children and servants are employed in work, and educated in the ways of God and in the grounds of religion, according to the order of the General Court." The same year John How was "appointed by the Pastor and Selectmen to see to the restraining from the profanation of the Lord's day in time of public exercise."

The stocks were employed as a means of punishment. In 1651, "John Rutter promised to mend the stocks." They were used as late, at least, as 1722, when it was voted " by y^ town to grant five shillings to bye to pad Locks for y'= pound and stocks." This old-time appliance was for a period near the meeting-house, as the records state that, in 1681, "Samuel How was to build a new pair of stocks," and was " to set them up before the meeting-house." In subsequent years, tything-men were appointed, and duly sworn before the selectmen, as the law directed. All these agencies were made use of to maintain a wholesome morality. That they succeeded in accomplishing something, the following from the foregoing report of 1680 indicates: " And the selectmen having also been made acquainted that the court expects their inspection touching persons who live from under family government, or after a dissolute or disorderly manner, to the dishonor of God, or corrupting of youth, the selectmen of the town as above liaving personally searched and enquired into all families and quarters, in and about this town, do return this answer, that they find none such amongst us."

Not only were the youth in colonial days instructed in intellectual and moral things, but also in the use of arms. In 1645, " it was ordered that the youth from ten to sixteen should be instructed upon y^ usual dayes in y'= exercise of amies, as small guns, halfe pike, bows and arrows, provided the parent did not object."

It was expected in early times that the children of believing parents would be presented in baptism. These children were usually baptized the Sabbath following their birth, and, if born on Sunday, sometimes on the day of their birth.

Besides the ordinary Sabbath exercises, religious services were held on some secular day of the week, which was called "Lecture Day." A Friday afternoon meeting was held in the Sudbury Orthodox Church until about the beginning of the last quarter century. In 1652, when a bargain was made with John Goodnow to beat the drum twice ever}Sabbath, he was also to beat it for service on " Lecture Day." (See Chapter VI.) " Training Days " were supposed to be opened and also closed with pra3"er. Fast days were more frequent than now. In some of the New England towns they were observed at the haying and planting seasons, and at the close of the harvest. Private fasts were sometimes observed. As late as July 4, 1749, there was a fast observed at the Widow- Winch's, " on account of one of her daughters having a cancer. Mr. Mudge prayed and Mr. Stone preached." (Extracts from Loring's Diary.) Special seasons of prayer were also sometimes observed. "■ Apr. 10th, 1757, Lord's day, the church voted that they would spend a part of the last Thursday of every month in extraordinary Prayer to God, on account of the calamitous war with our enemies the French."

LAWS RELATING TO LABOR.

It was ordered " that one shall take for mowing by the acre fourteen pence for every acre, or one and thirty pence a day." It was " ordered that all Carpenters, Bricklayers and thatchers, shall have one and twent}^ pence for a day's work, and common laborers eighteen pence a day." It was " ordered that a yearly covenanted servant, the best of them, shall take but five pounds for a year's service, and maid servants, the best, shall take but fifty shillings the year's service." As late as 1751, the town voted that " for highway work, eight hours be accounted for a day's work, and two shillings shall be the price of a day's work, one shilling for a yoke of oxen, three pence for a good cart."

Commercial relations w^ere not always carried on by payments in money, but sometimes wholly or in part in produce. Edmund Rice, in 1654, "for service as deputy," was to have •' six pounds to' be j^aid in wheat at John Parmenters senior, and so much more as shall pay seven pence a bushell for the carraige of it, to be paid within one week after next Michelmas." For work on the meeting-house, about the year 1688, "he was to have country pay, at country price." The country pay was to be " in good sound merchantable Indian corn, or rye, or wheat, or barley, or malt, or peas, or beef, or pork, or work." At a meeting of the selectmen, Oct. 25, 1678, it was ordered that " Mr. Peter Noyes, Peter Kinge and Thomas Stevens or any of them are appointed to collect of the Inhabitants of this town what may be wanted of the sum granted by any person or persons towards the jnew college at Cambridge in building according to an order by the Gen C * * *." This being attended to, the town received its discharge, of which the following is a copy:

" Discharge. Received then of several persons of the town of Sudbury several parcels of corn amounting to (with the transportation from S. to Cam.) the full sum of what was there subscribed to contribute to the new building for the college.

" I say received by me, William Manning."

Sometimes payments were promised either in produce or money, as, in 1696, Benjamin Parmenter was to sweep the meeting-house, from April 1 of that 3'ear to April 1 of the next year, "for ten bushells of Indian corn, or twenty shillings in money." Whether Mr. Parmenter was to take which he chose, or the party engaging him was to give which they chose, is not stated. Sometimes the produce was rated, or paid for town rates, in accordance with what the produce was rated or paid for in county rates ; as, in 1673, it was ordered that "all corn or grain, paid into the towns rate for this year, shall be paid in at such prices as the county rate is paid in at for the year." We conclude that the town had the liberty to establish the value of produce that was to pay the town rates ; as, for the year 1686, wheat was rated at five shillings per bushel, peas at four shillings, oats at two shillings, Indian corn at two shillings nine pence.

SERVANTS.

Jan, 9, 1653, "it was determined that the land last granted to the town by the court sliall be divided to the inhabitants, according to their several estates and families, counting the family to be husband, wife, children and servants as men have, that they have either bought or brought up." In Mr. Loring's Diary is the following, dated 1758, March 1 : " Died Toby, negro servant of Col. Brown."

In Vol. LXXIX., p. 247, State Archives, is a jjctition from Richard Heard, to the eifect that he had a negro man in His Majesty's service ; that he was in Captain Nixon's compan}^ and was taken sick in Deerfield on his way home, and remained there sick for a long time ; and that he had to take his two horses and go after him. He asks that the court will take his case into consideration ; and the committee reported " twenty-five shillings in full to be paid to Col. John Noyes for the use of the Petitioner."

It is stated (Temple's History of Framingham) that in 1733 Thomas Frost of Framingham bought of Jonathan Smith of Sudbur}'^, for sixty pounds current money, a negro man named Gloster, aged about thirty years. Rev. Mr. Swift of Framingham disposed of five slaves by his will, one of whom, named Nero, he gave to his son-in-law, Ebenezer Roby of Sudbury. In 1764, Josiah Richardson of Sudburysold a negro girl named Phebe to Elizabeth Balch of Framingham, and the following is the bill of sale :

Know All Men by these Presents, that I, Josiah Richardson Jun. of Sudbury in the county of Middlesex, Gentleman, for and in consideration of the sum of 1 Pound 6 shillings and 8 pence, lawful money, to me in hand well and truly paid at the ensealing hereof by Elizabeth Balch of Framingham Widow, the Receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, and for the consideration thereof, Do Sell to the said Elizabeth Balch and to her heirs and assigns forever, A Negro female Child named Phebe, of about two years old, with her wearing apparel she now hath. And I the said Josiah covenants to and with the said Elisabeth Balch and her heirs and assigns that the said Negro Child is my slave For Life, and that I have good right to sell and convey her in manner aforesaid for the term of her natural life ; and that by force and virtue hereof the said Elisabeth Balch shall hold her the said Phebe for a slave for the term of her natural life. In Witness whereof, I the said Josiah Richardson Jun., have hereunto set my hand and seal this 13th day of August 17G4. Josiah Richardson, Jun. [Seal.]

In presence of Samuel Jonks.

Colored people were sometimes held in high esteem by the town's people, as is indicated by an entry made in the diary of Rev. Israel Loring, April 30, 1755, where he speaks tlms of Simeon, a negro wlio was born and bred in his household, and a short time before had arrived at the age of freedom : "April 30th, 1755. This morning Simeon was taken ill of colic, but soon recovered. May 10th, Simeon died aged 21. Altho' he partly recovered he grew worse again. He was greatly beloved by the family and has drowned us in tears. In the evening we committed the remains of Simeon to the grave. A great number of the congregation attended the funeral." Mr. Loring preaclied a sermon on his death the Sabbath following, from Psa. Ixxxix. 48.

A century and a half ago but few negroes were living in Sudbury, as is shown by the following statement :

Number of white people in town, on both

sides of the river .... 1,745

Number of negroes, males . . 15 Number of negroes, females . . 12

Total number of blacks .... 27 (Memoirs of Sudbury.)

In early times titles were quite commonly used ; and terms designating military positions, such as "corporal," "captain," "ensign," "sergeant" or " sargeant," are not infrequently met with on the town records. The terms " Mr." and " Mrs." are seldom found, except when applied to the minister and his wife. The term " esquire " is almost unknown. The term "goodman" was in quite common use. It was employed to designate a person of excellent character, rather than one of exceptional gentility. The following is its use in a record of the Town Book dated 1640 : " It is ordered by the town that Goodman Hayne shall have the remainder of the meadow which Mr. Browii the Pastor divided up, except one acre that is to be divided between Goodman Knight and Goodman Hayne, if it be there."

But not alone by the application of titles was there a recognition of merit and respect shown where it was due. In 1666, the Town Book states, " We have chosen, constituted and appointed our trusty friends Mr. Joseph Noyes, Sargeant John Grout and Corporal John Rutter to read, issue and determine all matters of difference ensuing about sufficiency of fence." It was customary to " gratulate " sometimes for service done for the public. In a single list in the Town Book' are the following persons, who were " gratulated " for some service done by them, and the quantity of land oiven :

Brian Pendleton,

14 acres

meadow.

George Munning,

10 "

((

10 of upland.

Walter Haynes,

10 "

a

10

John P arm enter, Sr.,

10 ''

a

Edmund Brown,

15 ^'

a

20 of upland.

Peter Noyes,

20

John Bent,

4 acres

meadow.

6

Edmund Goodnow,

6 "

ii.

William Ward,

12 "

ii.

Another way of showing respect was in tlie-appointment of seats in the meeting-house. The following rule was made in 1687-8 : " The most considerable rule for seating of persons in the meeting-house (the new one) shall be by what they pay to the building thereof, excepting in respect to some considerable persons as to age and other considerable qualifications." The following records show that the town was not careless in collecting its dues : " November, 1670, " Ordered that Jon. Stanhope do see that the minister's rate be duly paid, and in case any neglect or refuse to pay their proportions to said rates when due, he is appointed and impowered by the town to summons such persons before a magistrate, there to answer for their neglect." In 1683-4 it was voted, " That whereas certain proprietors and inhabitants of the town have neglected to pay their proportions to the minister's rate, and added to the evil by not paying the proportion due upon the two six months' rates made since, to the dishonor of God, contempt of his worship, unrighteousness to their neighbors, as if they ; ; * slyly intended they should pay their rates for them again, and to the disturbance in and damage of this town, after so much patience used, and to the end this town may not longer be baffled ; • ; In his majesties name you are therefore now required forthwith to [collect] by distress upon the monies, neat cattle sheep or other beasts, corn, grain, hay, goods or any other estate movable (not disallowed by law) you can find so much of each person herein named so greatly transgressing, the several sum or sums set off against each man's name."

In the early times there were people living on the town's border, who were designated " farmers," and their estates were called "farms." It was probably with reference to these that the following order was passed in 1677-8 : " All persons bordering upon this town and who live and dwell near unto the precinct thereof shall pay (not only to the ministry but also) to all town rates, for that they belong to us, they shall be assessed their due proportions, as all other inhabitants of this town are, and in case of any of them refusing to pay, the same shall be levied by distress."

PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FIRE.

An order was issued whereby every householder was to have a ladder sufficiently long to reach the top of the house. For non-compliance with this act a person was subject to a fine of ten shillino's. BORROWING CANOES.

It was, in 1643, voted by the town " that whosoever : : : shall take away any man's canoe without the leave of the owner shall forfeit for every default so made two shillings."

BOARD OF REPRESENTATIVES.

On page 157 of the records it is recorded tliat " the sum of three pounds shall be added to the town rate for the payment of our deputie's diet at Hugh Drurys at Boston during his attendance at the Genral Court." Years later, in 1679, Peter Noyes " openly declared at that town-meeting that he freely gave to the town his time, charge, diet, in and about his service at the fore said session of the General Court which the town thankfully accepted."

PAYMENT AND PROTECTION OF PROPERTY.

While the people were busy in the formation of the new plantation and dividing and improving their lands, they were careful to provide means for the payment and protection of them. The records state. May 26, 1648, "Walter Hayne and Hugh Griffin are appointed to go down to the Governor and Magistrate to confirm the bargain of land now bought of Goodman's, and to take course for the payment of Goodmans, and they shall be paid for their labor."

Sept. 11, 1648: "It is agreed upon by the town that the five pound that is paid to Goodemans shall be raised only by the meadows as every man is possessed of."

"It is also agreed that all meadows that are given by way of gratulation shall have right in commonage as the meadows which are first, second, and third division of meadow, and that for the raising of the rate for the payment of the last purchase of Goodman's all meadows shall pay at one price."

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.

In 1661 the town appointed men " to agree with Robert Proctor of Concord, about his trespass of burning up our pine for making tar." They were to sue him if they could not agree. In 1671, James Adams was to have liberty to feed his cattle on Sudbury bounds, and "to take old and dry wood that shall be upon the ground, the said Adams to prevent any tresjoass by Concord herds, or cattle, also in our wood and timber, forth with to give notice to the town."

PECULIAR NAMES OF PLACES.

Peculiar names have been attached to many places in Sudbury, which have been preserved, some by record and some by usage.

One of these is " Lanham." It is mentioned in connection Avith a deed as early as 16G6. (See Liber III., pp. 233 and 234, Registry of Deeds, Cambridge.) The deed mentioned a piece of land "lying and being on the west side of the Hamlett called Lanham." (See Chapter III., sketch of Thomas Read ; also Chapter VL)

"Lowance" is the name of a stream which enters Mill Brook between South Sudbury and Lanham bridge. Probabl}^ it was first applied to the meadows along its banks. It is found as early as 1G66 (Liber III., p. 233, Registry of Deeds, Cambridge). It is doubtless a contraction of "allowance," which term was used to designate lands that were allowed the settlers in the territorial divisions. Sometimes an allowance of land was given in one place to make up for deficiency of quality or quantity in another.

The term " Pantry," applied to one of the school districts, is found in connection with a land sale in 1G57. (Liber III., p. 7, Middlesex Registry of Deeds.) In the document referred to it is used in connection with both the brook and meadow. This term may have been derived from the words "pine" and " tree ; " and this theory receives favor from the fact that in the Town Book, page 98, it is spelled " Pantree."

" Piners Wash," or "Pinners Wash," was a term formerly applied to the brook above South Sudbury, commonly called " Wash Brook." It occurs repeatedly, both on the Town Book and the Proprietors' Book. The following record is taken from the former, dated 1779: "To see if the town will discontinue a town road laid out through the enclosures of Ensign Josiah Richardson over the ' Mill Brook ' or ' Piners

THE GOODNOW LIBRARY. SO. SUDBURY. See page 28. Wash' from beinj^ an open way and leave it a bridle way as formerly." This motion "passed in the negative." The road here referred to is that over Haj^den's Bridge. We have found nothing definite by which to determine the origin of this name. We conjecture that this brook passed through a pine district, and that by some connection of the brook with the trees, or with those who may have lived or worked among them, who were perhaps called "Piners," the name may have come into use. "Wash Brook" doubtless came from this term.

" Indian Bridge." This is supposed to have crossed West Brook, as the lower part of Lanham Brook is called, between Sand Hill and Heard's Pond. (See Chapter VI.) The term is repeatedl}^ found in the town records. On j)age 52 is the statement that Mr. Herbert Pelham was to have " all the land lotts of meadow and upland joining to his farm which lies between the Indian Bridge and the utmost bound of the great pond joining upon a short line from the Indian Bridge to the extremity of the pond, also twenty acres of upland joining to the Indian Bridge to the land granted to Mr. Herbert Pelham, and going thence downward to the hill on the west side the great pond, and west ward joineth to the land of W'" Pelham, and is parted fi'om the west meadow by land reserved for a highway." Jan. 13, 1667, the town appointed a committee "to set a substantial mark where the old Indian Bridge was in West Meadow."

The word "sponge" was in early use as applied to localities. In 1646, "John Rutter was to have a sponge of meadow;" and the following is also a record of early date in which the word is used: "To Brian Pendleton 14 acres of meadow lying in a sponge upon the west side of the great meadow over against Munning's point." This word was formerly used in connection with real estate in New England, but long since ceased to be so used. Says Dr. Green, "It was a local word in England, used in Suffolk, and meant an irregular, narrow projecting part of a field, whether planted or in grass."

The term "Honey Pot Brook" is found. In 1778, Mr. Jonathan Puffer of Stow was released from rates on condition "that he keep the causeway and bridge over Honey Pot brook from Stow Ime to the eastward of said causeway in good repair for ten years."

The term "Cedar Croft" is spoken of in papers from 1700 to 1725 in connection with the homestead of Thomas Bryant (Wayland). (State Archives, Vol. XVII., p. 520.) The same term is found in Liber III., p. 233, date 1666, Middlesex Registry of Deeds, spelled "Cedar Crought."

Another term long and frequently used is " Bridle Point," spelled " Bridell Poynt " in a deed dated 1666. (Liber IIL, pp. 232 and 272.) This is a point of land at the southwest end of Braman's Hill, near the wooden bridge on the new road from Wayland to Sudbury.

The term " Gulf" is used as early as 1647. " Granted to the Pastor to lay down his third division in the Gulf." This term is applied to the meadows that lie along the banks of the easterly part of Pantry Brook.

" Doeseine Hill " is mentioned in 1661. It probably means Doeskin Hill. Thomas Noyes had one hundred and thirty acres of land, the second lot in the new grant near this hill.

The term " Goodman's Wigwam Hill " is found in Book II., Town Records; also the term "Wigwam Hill" is found in the first part of Book I.

Other terms are "Rocky Plain" (Sudbury Centre) ; "Pine Plain" (in the Drajjer neighborhood, east part of Wayland); " World's End " (in the Gulf neighborhood, northeast part of Sudbury); " Haynes' Island" (northeast side of Gnlf Brook) ; " Castle Hills " (north part of Wayland) ; " Spruce Swamp" or " Cranberry Swamp" (north of the highway, by Wliale's Bridge, Wayland).

The following names are on the Proprietors' Book, and the places they designate are on the west side : " Lake's End Hill," "Log Slough," "Lake's End Bridge," "Pine Island," "Long Meadow," "Strawberry Meadow," "Mine Way," "Mill Field," "Hop Meadow," "Cedar Swamp Plane," "Ridge Meadow Brook," " Dunsdale," "Haynes' Slough," "Log Hole."

The following are also on the Proprietors' Book: "Hog House Hill," " Windmill Hill," "Bow Leg Meadow," "Penny Meadow Brook," " Swath Meadow," " Porringer Hill," "Common Swamj) Bridge," " Prospect Hill," " Long Meadow," " Highway from Lake's End to Log Slough," " Path from Log Slew to Pine Island," " Common Meadow Bridge," ^' Ashen Swamp," "Widow Rice's Plain, "Lake End" or "Lake's End," "Gulf Neck," " L-on Works Meadow," *^ Walnut Tree Hill," " Bare Hill."

CHAPTER IX.                 page 151

Sudbury in the Colonization of Other Towns : Framingham, Marlboro, Worcester, Grafton, Rutland.

His echoing axe the settler swung

Amid the sea-like solitude, And, rushing, thundering, down were flung

The Titans of the wood ; Loud shrieked the eagle, as he dashed From out his mossy nest, which crashed

With its supporting bough, And the first sunlight, leaping, flashed

On the wolf's haunt below.

Alfred B. Street.

The settlement of Sudbury in its earlist stages having now been noticed, let us, before considering farther what occurred within the town limits, give our attention to the "work of its people in the settlement of other towns. The sons of Sudbury wrought nobly, not only within but without their own borders. A pioneer spirit very early prevailed, and as the town's citizens reached out for new acquisitions of land, the}^ helped establish some of the best towns in the State. In this work of colonization were both hardship and hazard. Few but such as were of an adventurous nature would so speedily have removed from newly constructed homesteads to erect other abodes in the farther forest. But a brave band of frontiersmen pushed boldly forward and out into the dark outstretching wood ; and, amid perils of climate, wild beasts, and uncivilized men, they opened new paths and prepared the way for new settlements. In narrating the work thus performed, we will to an extent present an outline of facts as they are afforded by the histories of the towns in which the work here mentioned was done. On the south and west of Sudbury, at the time of its settlement, was a wilderness. On the west was what is now Marlboro, on the south what is Framingham and Natick, and beyond this border territory was a far outstretching forest awaiting the approach of the English to give it the light of civilized life.

FRAMINGHAM.

First there was an occupation of the lands on the south. This territory so much of it as is now Framingham, and which was called a plantation by 1675, and M^as incorporated as a town in 1700 was, at the earliest occupation by the English, unclaimed land of the colony. It never was granted to a company of petitioners, as was the cas-e with Sudbury, but was allowed to individuals at different dates, whose names became associated with the lands granted. The following is a list of the prominent grants, and the quantity of land comprised in some of them : The Stone Grants ; the Glover Farm, 600 acres ; the Rice Grants ; the Eames Grant, 200 acres ; the Corlett Grant, 200 acres ; the Gookin and How Purchase ; the Mayhew Farm, 300 acres ; the Danforth Farms ; Crowne-'s Grant, 500 acres ; Russell's Grant, 500 acres ; Wayte's Grant, 300 acres ; the Natick Plantation Grants. Several of these tracts were either granted, assigned or conveyed to, or in part settled by people from Sudbury.

The Stone Grants. Mr. Temple, in his " History of Framingham," says : " The first man to build upon our soil was John Stone, who removed from Sudbury (now Wayland), and put up a liouse at Otter Neck, on tlie west .side of Sudbury River, in 1646 or 1647." The lands owned by Mr. Stone were in several parcels, and granted at different times. In 1643 he had a grant of six acres in " Natick Ijounds;" and in 1656 he purchased lands of the Indians at the Falls of Sudbury River (Saxonville). This land was situated northwesterly of tlie falls, and on the soutlieasterly and easterly slope of the hill. It was confirmed to Mr. Stone by the Court, May, 1656, witli fifty acres in addition. Tlie land last_^ granted was laid out May 26, 1658, by Ednuind Rice and Thomas Noyes, and is described as "joining to Sudbury river at the falls of the said river, twenty acres of the said fifty being southward joining to the lands of John Stone, which said lands were purchased of the Indians, and after confirmed by the honoured Court; also the other thirty acres of the said fifty l\'ing northward of the aforesaid purcliased land and joining to it." Other land tracts were obtained b}' Mr. Stone in the territory of Framingham, till he possessed several hundred acres. Two of his sons, Daniel and David, settled near their fatlier in 1667.

The Glover Farm. This was the next grant to be occupied by a Sudbury citizen. (For description, see Chapter IV.) Tliis farm was leased Sept. 29, 1647, by President Dunster, guardian for the Glover heirs, to Edmund Rice for the term of ten years. By agreement in the lease, he was to erect a house on tlie place. (E'or dimensions of this house, see Chapter V.) He was also to build a barn, with dimensions as follows: "Fifty long, eleven foote high in the stud, one foote above ground, the sell twenty foote if no leantes or eighteen foote wide with leantes on the one side, and a convenient threshing-floare between the doares." (Barry.) These buildings, it is supposed, werq located near Dudley Pond, and on that part of the Glover Farm which, by an adjustment of the town bounds in 1700, came into the town of Way land. When the Glover estate was settled, the farm became the property of John Glover and Priscilla Appleton, his sister. Subsequently John transferred his part to his sister, and the place became known as the Appleton Farm. In 1697, John Appleton and wife sold the estate, then estimated at about nine hundred and sixty acres, to three Sudbury parties, namely, Thomas Brown, Tliomas Drury, and Caleb Johnson, for four hundred and forty pounds. The land was divided among these purchasers, and with the result that, after some exchange of the property among themselves, Mr. Brown had as his part of the uphmd two hundred acres on the northerly side, and situated westerly in Framingliam territory; Mr. Drur}^ two Imndred acres on the southerly side, also in Framingliam, and one hundred acres in the northeasterly part in Wayland ; and the land possessed by Mr. Johnson was the middle portion, and consisted of two hundred acres of upland, upon which he erected a dwelling, where the Mars house now stands. Thus, not onl}^ was the Glover Farm first occupied by a Sudbury citizen, but in its subsequent divisions it became the property of three others.

The Rice Grants. Not only did Edmund Rice lease the large land tract just mentioned, but, by petitioning the General Court, he became owner of the several pieces of land that are called the " Rice Grants." In 1652 he was allowed three pieces of meadow, comprising about twenty acres, and thirty acres of upland, which was situated about a mile from Cochituate Brook, and in a part of Framingham called Rice's End. In 1665 he again petitioned the Court, and received about eighty acres more, which was also in the southeast part of the town. In 1659, Mr. Rice gave a deed of the land at Rice's End to his son Henry, who built upon it, and who, it is supposed, was the second j)erson to build on Framingham soil.

The Eames Grants. These grants were of lands obtained from the General Court and the Indian owners by Thomas Eames, who was a former inhabitant of Sudbury. In 1669, Mr. Eames built a house and barn on the southerly slope of Mt. Wayte, South Framingliam. The land was of the Wayte grant, and was owned by Thomas Danforth, who purchased it of Mr. Richard Wayte. On Feb. 1, 1676, the [ndians burned the buildings of Mr. Eames, and killed or took captive his family. (See Chapter II. and period 16751700.) As a return for the loss of property then incurred, which amounted to about three hundred and thirty pounds, the General Court, in 1677, granted him two hundred acres of hind; and b}' consent of the Court he obt;iined, in 1670-7, a tract of two hundred acres of the Indians, which was situated near Avhere his former dwelhng stood. " The Eanies Farm " was situated in the southerly part of Framinc;hara, south of Sudbury River, and ran Avesterly as far as Farm Pond. The grant of two hundred acres allowed by tlie Court in 1677 was laid out by John Brigham of Sudbury, in 1686, and is said to have been "land in the wilderness adjoining to Lancaster line."

The Corlett Grant. This land tract was laid out May 28, 1661, to Mr. EHjah Corlett, a schoolmaster of Cambridge. It was situated " about a mile distant from the southwest angle of the lands formerly granted to Sudbury ; also having a parcel of meadow granted to Mr. Edmond Browne, teacher to the church in Sudbury, on the south, also beiug about half a mile distant northerly from tlie river which runneth to ^5udbury, also being about a mile and a quarter distant west northwesterly of the now dwellinghouse of John Stone." In 1661, Mr. Thomas Danforth purchased the land of Mr. Corlett, and tlie same year transferred it to Mr. Jolm Stone.

The Gookin and How Purchase. This was a land tract that came into possession of Samuel Gookin of Cambridge, a son of Maj.-Gen. Daniel Gookin, who was colonial commissioner to the Indians, and a co-worker with Rev. John Elliot and Samuel How of Sudbury. The tract was obtained of the Indians, who gave a deed of it dated May 19, 1682. A specification in the deed was that it contain, " by estimate, two hundred acres more or less."

The Mayhew Farm. This was a land tract of three hundred acres granted to Thomas Ma3diew, Oct. 17, 1643. It is described as " l3ing between Marlboi'o, Magunkook and Framingham," and was assigned by will of Thomas Mayhew, bearing date Sept. 15, 1666, to John Stone and Nathaniel Treadaway, both grantees of Sudbury. In 1708 it was laid out to their heirs.

The Danforth FaRxM. These lands consisted of several parcels that came to Thomas Danforth by grant or purchase. One of these was granted in IGGO, and contained two hundred and fifty acres, which were hiid out adjacent to the south boundary of Sudbury, west of the river, and joining the hand occupied by John Stone. Another tract was granted in 1662, and consisted of two liundred acres adjoining the '' same land he hath between Conecticot path and Marlborough." The Court appointed to lay out this land " Ensign Noyes of Sudbury with old Goodman Rice and John How," and " the act of any two of these was to be valid both for quantity and quality." This tract was adjacent to and west of the two hundred and fifty acres just mentioned, and extended along the south line of the Lanham District. . Other lands were allowed to Mr. Danforth until, by grant or purchase, he owned about two-thirds of the Framingham Plantation. These Danforth lands were from time to time, more or less of them, leased to individuals, and among those leasing them were Samuel Winch and Thomas Frost, who were formerly inhabitants of Sudburjs and both of whom lived at Lanham, the former as early as 1670, when he purchased land there of Samuel How, and the latter about 1685. The lease to Messrs. Winch and Frost is dated March 25, 1693, and was of land that had been occupied by Mr. Winch on parole lease for several years. The time of the lease was nine hundred and ninety -nine years, and a payment was to be made of four pounds ten shillings per annum. The farm was bounded northerly by "Sudbury line," easterly bv the river and Dea. John Stones' land, and southeasterly by '' Mr. Danforth's own land," southerly by the "■ Lynde Farm," westerl}' by the six hundred acres of reserved land (at Nobscot). The tract comprised three hundred acres, more or less, and contained '■'all those mesuages and tenements wherein they, the said Samuel Winch and Thomas Frost, do now dwell, containing two dwelling-houses, outhouses, and lands adjoining." This estate was situated in the northerly part of Framingham, and with the Stone Farm probably comprised largely the midway border territory in the northerly part of that town.

Another Sudbury settler who was one of the early occupants of Framingham territory was John Bent, son of Peter Bent. In 16G2 he pnrcliased of Henry Rice a piece of land westerly of Cocliituate Brook, and built a house there '' near the fordwa}' over that brook on the west side of" the ' Old Connecticut Path.' " (Temple.)

Other parties from Sudbury connected with the colonization of Framingham were Josiah Bradish, who it is supposed settled northerly of Nobscoi Hill ; John Adams, who bought two hundred acres of Gookin and How at Saxonville, and erected a dwelling not far from the location of the present railroad station ; Thomas Walker, who bouglit eighty acres of Gookin and How, and built a house at Rice's End ; Samuel King, John Loker, Mathew, David and Benjamin Rice.

Such are some of the facts which set forth the service of Sudbury in the settlement of Framingham. From Nobscot to Cocliituate, and from there scattered along southerly into " Natick bounds," the frontier was pioneered by them as they marked out new trails or opened rude forest patlis. It is supposed that at the time of Philip's war, the Stones, Rices, Bents, Eameses, and Bradishes were the onl}^ English occupants on the Framingham Plantation. John Stone, at the falls of Sudbury River, was one of the nearest neighbors of Thomas Eames at Mt. Wayte ; and at his home in the hollow, near the localit}^ of the present railroad station, was the only English hearthstone from which a light gleamed at night, while about Dudley Pond and Cochituate the Rices had their share of solitude in their lone woodland home. Thus the loneliness of the settlers' life was a notable circumstance in the colonization experience of these bold Sudbury frontiersmen. The wild rushing of the water in the circuitous stream at the "falls," the sounds heard in the forest as the tall tree-tops were tossed by the wintry storms, and the wind swept through the dark woody dells, were in strange contrast with the noise of business that now proceeds from that active place.

The settlers who went from Sudbury to the present territory of Framingham were called "Sudbury Out-dwellers," or " Sudbury Farmers." Their ecclesiastical and social relations were for a time with the town of Sudbury, that is, they were expected to pay rates levied for certain objects the benefit of which they sliared. To such an extent were they identified with Sudbury, tliat it has been supposed by some they were a part of the town. This chiim, it is said, was made, among otliers, by Dr. Stearns. Some things indicate that thej^ were of the town, others that the}" were not. That they were not of the town is indicated by the following statement made about 1694-5, in a petition to the General Court, " Whereas ourselves and sundry more families, to the number of fifty or upwards, are settled upon the waste lands lying between Sudbury, Natic, Marlbury, and Sherborn, and as yet have not been orderly settled, with a townsliip, but are forced to travell to the nearest of the meeting-houses, some to one and some to another." It is also indicated in a petition to the General Court in 1698 for the appointment of a committee to view lands of which it was desired to make the town of Framingham. The petition was sent in by John Bent and Nathaniel Stone, and the farmers about Cochituate, who set forth that they "had been for a long time united to Sudbury in civil and social rights and privileges." A further indication of no territorial relationship to Sudbury is the following from the Sudbury Records : " Oct. 26, 16SG. Agreement between the town of Sudbury apd certain out -dwellers, viz., Corp. Henry Rice, Corp. John Bent, INIathew Rice, Benjamin Rice, William Brown, Daniel Stone, John Loker, John Adams, Samuel King, and David Rice, who are inhabitants bordering upon, but dwelling without the line or bounds of this town have engaged to pay all rates for building the meeting-house, and J'or the maintenance of tlie ministry of the town, and for defraying town debts and the support of the poor provided the town do relieve the poor amongst them and free them from repairing the highways witliin the town's bounds."

Still another thing that maj'" indicate that there was no territorial relation is a report made at a selectmen's meeting in Sudbury, in 1682. The}- represent in this report the acres of land given to those dwelling in the town, a list of lands of persons dwelling up and down the country, and a list of men's lands bordering about or near the town. The amount in the latter list is spoken of as amounting to five tliousand one huiidied and three acres, in wliich Mr. DanI'orth's lands (whicli were iti tlie region now Framingham) and Mr. Gookin's lands are not cast, because the contents were not certain. (See period 1675-1700.) The inference is that considerable land tracts were about Sudbury, largely on the southerly side, on which the town claimed some financial rights, but which were not claimed as territory of the town.

A reason why some may have supposed that these farmers were a part of the town of Sudbury is found in the following answer to a petition sent to the General Court, Mar. 8, 1691-2 : "'• In answer to the petition of the Selectmen of Sudbury, ordered : That the out-dwellers adjoining unto the said Town, comprehended within the line beginning at Matth. Rice's, from thence to Cornet W'" Brown's Corp. Henry Rice's, Thomas Drury's, Tho. Walker, Jr., John How, and Samuel Winch's (not belonging to any other towne), be annexed unto the Town of Sudbury, and continue to bear their part of all duties and partake of all privileges then as formerly until further order." As to how the order was interpreted by those who had petitioned, may be indicated by a petition sent to the Court July 4, 1700, to which these same farmers attach their signatures : '" The said town of Sudbury have for above a year denied j'our Petitioners the liberty of voting and other town privileges, utterly disclaiming them as not belonging to the said town, though your Petitioners have contributed to the building the meeting-house and maintenance of the minister, and have paid several town rates and done many town duties ; wherefore they pray to be annexed to the town of Framingham."

Another statement bearing upon the question is the following from a petition sent to the Court, in 1730, by the inhabitants of Framingham living on the east and south of the river. They state " that they are principally consisting of those Farmers taken from Sudbury and Sherborn and those of Sudbur}^ Farmers with others remote from meeting before the Court had taken emm off from Sudbury and annexed them to Framingham were designing to address the General Court to have been made a separate town :::::: And your petitioners would intimate, that we of Sudbury farmers and Sherborn farmers should never have yielded to be annexed to Framingham had we not expected the meeting liouse had been fixed in the place where it now is."

MARLBORO.

About the time that the Sudbury settlers were pioneering on the south of their plantation, their attention was turned in a westerly course also. Marlboro, which formerly included Northboro, Southboro, Westboro, and Hudson, Avas a wilderness country bordering in that direction. Very naturall}', as the people began to feel the need of more territory, they sought it thitherward as well as towards the soutli.

The result was, that, in 1656, the following petition was presented to the General Court:

"To the Hon. Governor &c assembled in Boston. The humble petition of several of the inhabitants of Sudbur}' whose names are here underwritten shovv'eth, that whereas your petitioners have lived divers years in Sudbury and God hath been pleased to increase our children which are now divers of them grown to man's estate and we many of us grown into years so that we should be glad to see them settled before the Lord take us away from hence and also God havino- oiven us some considerable cattle so that we are so straightened that we cannot so comfortably subsist as could be desired and some of us having taken some pains to view the country we have found a place which lyeth westward about eight miles from Sudbury which we conceive might be comfortable for our subsistance, It is therefore the humble request of your Petitioners to this Hon'd Court that you would bee pleased to grant unto us eight miles square or so much land as may containe to eight miles square for to make a Plantation."

This petition was signed by the following parties: '"Edmund Rice, W™ Ward, Thomas' King, John Wood, Thomas Goodnow, John Ruddock, Henry Rice, John How, John Bei\t Sen"", John Maynard, Richard Newton, Peter Bent, Edward Rice." Answer was given to this petition at a General Conrt session held in Boston, May 11, 1656, to the effect that a tract of land six miles square be granted, provided it hinder no prior grant, and that a town be settled thereon with twenty or more families within three years time, so that an able ministry might there be sustained. A committee was aj)pointed to lay out the bounds, and make report to the " Court of Election." Unless they did this, the grant would be void. A portion of the territory desired had previously been granted to the Indians, on petition of Rev. John Elliot, but a committee was appointed who iimicably adjusted the matter, so that each party had their lands laid out and duly confirmed. The plantation of the Indians was known as Ockoocangansett, and was partly surrounded by the plantation of the English, which for a brief period was called WhijDSuppenicke. A plan of the latter was made in 1667, and approved by the authorities the same 3'ear. It contained 29,419 acres, which, with the 6,000 acres which had been reserved for the Indians, made 35,419 acres.

The first proprietors' meeting was held Sept. 25, 1656, and the same year William Ward, Thomas King, John Ruddock, and John How were " chosen to put the Affairs of the said new Plantation in an orderly way." A petition for incorporation was soon sent to the General Court, and, being favorably received, in 1660 the place ceased to be merely a plantation legally connected with Sudbury, but became a town of itself, and was called "• Marlborrow."

The places where some of the Sudbury settlers early had their abodes in Marlboro are still known, and some of them have been designated in the history jof the town. Such places furnish food for reflection to the thoughtful mind, and not the least so, perhaps, to the people of the town from whence the early occupants of those dwellings went forth. May the sites of those primitive dwelling-places, on which the roof-tree long since decayed, continue to be pointed out, and suggest the spirit of enterprise that inspired that little company who went forth from Sudbury in search of new lands I WORCESTER.

But Sudbuiy helped settle towns still fartlier westward. Beyond Marlboro were the lands of what is now the city of Worcester, then a wilderness across the frontier. To this spot repaired some of the people of Sudbury. Among these Avas Lieutenant Curtis, the sturdy backwoodsman of whose service in the war with King- Philip we are yet to speak. (See period 1675-1700.) Ephraim Curtis was a son of Henry Curtis, an original grantee of Sudbury. He was of a sturdy, adventuresome nature, a frontiersman, soldier and scout. The customs of the red men, the resort of wild game, the camp-fire and the night ambuscade, were all familiar to him. A short time before the outbreak of King Philip's war Lieut. Ephraim Curtis turned his face towards the west, and made his camp at what is now Worcester. We quote the following conconcerning his subsequent experience in that locality : " It was in the fall of 1673, as near as can now be ascertained by tradition and otherwise, that Ephraim Curtis, the first actual white settler, left Sudbury, with a pack on his back, a long, light Spanish gun on his shoulder, and an axe in in his hand, and set his face towards "Syorcester ; arriving, after two days' travel, on the very spot still owned and occupied by his descendants, on Lincoln Street, to the sixth generation. The principal reason for his selecting this locality to settle upon was the supposition of mineral wealth in the soil, from the report of a valuable lead mine having been discovered in the vicinity by the Indians, who had a sort of rendezvous on Wigwam Hill while on their fishing and hunting excursions. Here Ephraim Curtis was all alone in the wilderness for a year or more, and in subsequent times used to tell how, after working all day, he would sit down and look towards Sudbury, and shed tears in spite of himself. But he had a will that bore him through. For a time he claimed the whole town of Worcester, but had to be content with two hundred acres near the upper part of Plantation Street, and another plantation near Grafton Gore, granted by the Great and General Court as his share of the territory of Worcester. Curtis and others (who had followed him) stayed in Worcester until driven from tliere by the iMdians in 107'). lie left the spot which he attempted to settle to his descendants, with no other personal memorials, it is said, than his gun and silver-headed cane marked ' E. C In his later life he returned to Sudbury, where he died at the age of ninetytwo. He left Worcester plantation to the care of his son John, and in 1734 he conveyed two hundred and fifty acres, on the border of Worcester, Auburn, and Millbury, to his son Ephraim Curtis, Jr." (Fall's "Reminiscences of Worcester.")

The violet sprung at Spring's first tinge,

The rose of Summer spread its glow, The maize hung out its autumn frinee.

Rude Winter brought his snow ; And still the lone one labored there. His shout and whistle broke the air,

As cheerily he plied His garden spade, or drove his share

Along the hillock's side.

Alfred B. Street.

But the pioneer work done by Sudbury in the settlement of Worcester Avas by no means confined to one man. In 1657 thirty-two hundred acres were granted to Increase Nowell of Charlestown. His rigiit was purchased by Josiah and John Haynes, Thomas Nojes, and Nathaniel Treadaway ; and in 1664 they became proprietors of a large tract east of Quinsigamond Pond. Ha3nies, Treadaway, and No3''es petitioned the General Court for a committee "to view the country." The death of Mr. Noyes, and the disturbed condition of things, prevented the commissioners whom the Court appointed from carrying out the order. But, in 1-667, the Court again took measures towards a settlement of the country, and appointed a committee, who state in their report that " about five thousand acres is laid out to particular persons, and confirmed by this Court, as we are informed, which falls within this tract 6f land, viz., to Ensign Noyes, deceased, his brother three thousand two hundred acres, unto the church at Maiden one thousand acres, and others five hundred acres bought of Ensign Noyes ; but all this notwithstanding, we conceive there ma}" be enough meadow for a small plantation or town of about thirty families, and if these farms be annexed to it, it may supply about sixty families." The committee recommended to the Court that it " reserve it for a town ; " and, for the settling of it, it advised " that there be a meet proportion of land granted and laid out for a town, in the best form the place will bear, about the contents of eight miles square." (Colonial Records, Vol. IV., p. 587.)

Another Sudbur}^ citizen who assisted in the settlement of Worcester was Digory Sargent. So much of interest clusters about the character and experience of this adventurous man, that we will quote entire the account of him as given in Lincoln's " History of Worcester:" "Among those who attempted the settlement of Worcester, after the first unsuccesful enterprise, Avas Digory Sargent, who had built his home on Sagatabscot Hill, southeastward of the present town. He was a native of Sudbury, and had been a carpenter by occupation before his removal. A will made by him in 1679 is preserved on the Middlesex records. As the list of goods and effects, strangely mingled together, presents an example of the humble personal possessions of pioneer times, and the style affords specimen of quaint peculiarity, it will not be uninteresting.

" ' DIGORY Sargent's will.

" ' March the 17th day 1696. The last Will and Testament of Digory Sargent. I, Digory Sargent, being in ray health and strength and in my perfect memory, blessed be the Lord for it ; these few lines may satisfy whom it may concern, that I, Digory Sargent, do freely give unto my daughter, Martha Sargent, my house and land with all its lights and privileges there unto belonging : this house and four score acre lot of land lieth within the township of Worcester ; I likewise do give unto her all my goods ; one flock bed and boulster, with one rugg, and two blankets and two coverlets ; six froes ; one broad ax and one pulling ax and one hand saw; one frying pan ; one shave ; one drawing knife ; one trunk and a sermon book that is at Mrs. Mary Mason's Widow, at Boston ; with one pewter pint pot ; one washing tvib; one cow and calf; one [ ] ; three iron wedges; two butte rings ; and if in case the J^oi'd slioukl see good to take away the said Digory Serjent by deatli, then I, the said Digory Seijent, do leave tliese things above written unto George Parnienter of Sudbury to be disposed of as lie shall see good to bring up the said Digory Serjent's child ; and if in case that this child should die likewise, then I do freely give my house and land with all the goods above mentioned unto George Parnienter forever, and to his heirs, to look after these things and to dispose of them as he shall see cause. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal tlie da}^ and year above named. There is one gun too.

"- ' Digory Serjent. " 'Witnessed by John Keyes, John Wetherby.'

"■ Having afterwards been married to the sister of Parnienter, his family became more numerous, and afforded more victims to be involved in the miseries of death and ca[)tivity. Long after the other planters had fled from the perils of the conflict that raged around them, Sargent remained with his children, the solitary occupants of the town, resisting all importunity to seek safety by desertion, and resolving with fearless intrepidity to defend from the savage the fields his industry had redeemed from the waste. During the summer of 1702 his residence was unmolested. As winter approached the committee, alarmed by his situation on the frontier of danger, sent messengers to advise his removal to a place of securit}-. As their admonitions were disregarded, they at length despatched an armed force of twelve men, under Captain Howe, to compel compliance with the order. At the close of day the party arrived at a garrison near the mills. Here they halted for the night, which grew dark with storm and snow, and, kindling their fires, laid down to rest, while one of the band watched the slumbers of his comrades. In the morning they went onwards, and reached the house of Sargent, on Sagatabscot, at the distance of nearly two miles from the post where they had halted. They found the door broken down, the owner stretched in blood on the floor, and the dwelling desolate. The prints of many moccasins leading westward, still visible through the snow, indicated that they had been anticipated by a short time only in the object of their mission. It was soon found that the children of Sargent were living in Canada. On the release of the eldest she related the particulars of the fearful catastrophe they had witnessed. When the Indians, headed by Sagamon John, as it is said, surrounded the house, Sargent seized his gun to defend his life, and was fired on. As he retreated to the stairway, a ball took effect and he fell. The savages rushed in, witli their tomahawks completed the work of death, and tore off his scalp from his head as a token of victory. They seized the mother and her children, John, Daniel, Thomas, Martha, and Mary, and, having discovered the neighborhood of the white men, commenced a rapid retreat westward. The wife of Sargent, fainting with grief and fear, and in feeble circumstances, faltered, and impeded their progress. The apprehension of pursuit induced the Indian to forego

[ ] torturing his victim. As they ascended the

hills of Tataesset, a chief stepped out from the file, and, looking around among the leafless forests as if for game, excited no alarm in the exhausted and sinking captive, and awoke no cry of horror to betray their course. When she had passed b}-, one merciful blow from the strong arm of the sachem removed the obstruction of their llight. The children they carried away reached the northern frontier in safety, and were a long time in Canada. Daniel and Mary, preferring the wild freedom of their captors to the restraints of civilized life, adopted the habits and manners of the Indians. They never again resided with their relatives, although they once made them a visit when Miss Williams, taken at Deerfield, was restored. In 1715, Thomas was in Boston. John had been liberated in 1721. Martha was probably redeemed earlier than her brothers, married Daniel Shattuck, and returned to dwell on the spot so fatal to her family." (Lincoln's " History of Worcester.")

Another inhabitant of Sudbury who went to Worcester, in the third attempt to settle that town, was Nathaniel IMoore. He Avas one of the most prominent citizens of that place during the first half centuiy, and was for twelve years one of its selectmen. Mr. Moore was one of the first two deacons of tlie Old South Church, an ancestor of Dr. Moore, and fornierl}president of Williams and the first president of Amherst College. Still another who went from the town was Capt. Moses Rice. He went to Worcester about 1719, and built a tavern there. Captain Rice was commander of a cavalry company, and fought in several engagements with the Indians. He went to Rutland about 1742, where he was killed by the Indians in 1755, aged sixty. Others who went there were Thomas Brown, Benjamin Crane, John Curtis, Simon Meyling, Jonathan Grout, all of whom received lands in that vicinity.

GRAFTON.

Another place in whose settlement Sudbur}^ citizens had some share was Grafton, a town in Worcester County. Its Indian name was Hassanamesit, which means a place of small stones. The land, which contained seven thousand five hundred acres, was purchased of the native proprietors, upon leases obtained of the General Court, May, 1724. The petition, asking the privilege of making the purchase, was presented by a number of persons, principally from Marlboro, Sudbury, Concord, and Stow; and the petitioners sought leave " to purchase of the Hassanamisco Indians land at that place." In the Indian deed concerning the territory, among other specific declarations is the following: "To Jonathan Rice and Richard Taylor both of Sudbury in the County of Middlesex aforesaid husbandmen each one fortieth part thereof ... to them and their respective heirs and assigns forever," After the purchase of the territory, and the establishment of the plantation, those who composed the company laying claim to the territory held proprietors' meetings, more or less of which were at the house of Jonathan Rice in Sudbury. Their records and proceedings show the prominent part taken by Sudbury citizens in the formation of the township. A few specimens of these records are as follows: "At a meeting of the Proprietors of the common and undivided lands in Hassanamisco holden at the house of Jonathan IIow in Marlboro, April, 1728, Mr. Jonathan Rice Avas chosen clerk for the Proprietors to enter and record all votes and orders from time to time as shall be made and passed in said Proprietors meetings." "July 9, 1728. The Proprietors held a meeting- at Sudbury, at the house of Jonathan Rice, and chose a committee to take charge of building a meeting: house." "Jan. 6, 1730. At the house of Jonathan Rice, voted to lay out 3 acres to each Proprietor 30 acres of land for the third division ; voted to raise seven pounds of money on each Proprietor for the finishing of the meeting house and school house."

In the appointment of committees for important business Sudbury was creditably rei)resented. The committee chosen "to take a survey of the plantation of Hassanamisco, and find out and stake the centre plot of the plantation," were Captain Brigham of Marlboro, John Hunt of Concord, and Richard Taylor of Sudbury. Jan. 16, 1734, it was voted that Col. John Chandler of Concord and Jonathan Rice of Sudbury should be " a committee to make Hassanamisco a town." Thus, at Sudbury and by her citizens, were more or less of the plans laid and business transacted at the beginning of this thriving town.

RUTLAND.

Another town, in the settlement of which Sudbury was early and creditably represented, is Rutland, Mass. This town was incorporated by the General Court at a session of 1722. The territory, however, which included the portion incorporated at this time, and which was six miles square, was some years before this explored by daring pioneers, and embraced, in its full extent, a tract twelve miles square, and took in a part or the whole of the territory of what is now Hubbardston, Princeton, Holden, Oakham, Paxton, and Barre. The original territory in these latter-named limits was purchased, for twenty-three pounds, of Puagastion of Penniiook, Pompamamaj^ of Natick, Wananapan of Wamassick, Sassawannow of Natick, and other natives, on Dec. 22, 1686. The name of tlie whole place was Naquag, and the deed of it, signed and acknowledged by the above-named Indians, was received April 14, 1714, and is on record at the Middlesex Registry of Deeds, page 511 of Book XVI.

The ownership of this twelve-mile land tract was confirmed by the General Court in 1713, on i)etition of the heirs of Maj. Simon Willard, of Indian war fame, and others whose names were in the associate deed. One condition imposed by the Court in the confirmation of ownership was, that, within seven years, there be sixty families settled there, and a reservation of land for church and school purposes. On Dec. 14, 1715, the proprietors, at a meeting in Boston, decided that a tract of six miles square of the original twelve miles should be surveyed and set apart for the settlement of sixty-two families, in order to keep the conditions by which the grant was to be allowed. It decided to grant to Capt. Benjamin Willard, for certain considerations, one of which was that he build a mill, "• one-third part of a thirtythird part of said township, or nine hundred and thirty acres." A portion of this large grant to Captain Willard passed into the hands of several prominent Sudbury citizens, who were assignees to Captain Willard. Three of them were Rev. Israel Loring, Capt. Samuel Stone, and Capt. Samuel Wright. The land thus assigned went to the parties as follows: To Mr. Loring, three hundred acres; to Captain Stone, two hundred and forty acres ; and to Captain Wright, one hundred and twenty acres.

So much of the land of the twelve miles square as amounted to six miles square having now been confirmed to the claimants, and surveyed, and positions assigned for settlement, on petition to the General Court, at a session beginning May 30, 1722, an act of incorporation was passed, making of this territory the town of Rutland. The place thus being in readiness for settlement, and quite a portion of it being in the hands of Sudbury citizens, and a leader in the enterprise. Captain Wright, being a Sudbury man who, for years before Rutland was incorporated, was a manager in its affairs, it is no wonder that emigration flowed from the town into this new countrj'. It was as the great West to a place as near the seaboard settlements as Sudbury; and the romance and adventure of pioneer life very likely took hold of the inhabitants, as the same spirit led their ancestors to seek homes about the borders of Sudbury River about a century before. Accordingl3% as might be expected, we find an early exodus from the town to the place ; and among the names of parties who found homes in Rutland, or in the towns of the original twelve miles square, we find the following, which now are, or have been, familiar in Sudbury: Newton, Moore, Howe, Knight, Ward, Brown, Hunt, Bent, Stevens, Wright, Read, Da-kin, Goodenow, Rice, Brintnal, Haynes, Stone, Parmenter, Estabrook, Clapp, Walker, Maynard.

(^ther towns about Sudbury that Avere represented in the settlement of this place were Marlboro, Concord, and Franiingham, besides some from Boston, Lexington, Lancaster, and Brookfield, and some emigrants from L'eland.

But it is not simply the matter of names and numbers of parties from the town that makes it important and interesting to mention the part taken by Sudbury in the settlement of Rutland, but the prominence of several of them. More or less were leaders in the enterprise, and active and influential in shaping the young town's life. As showing their character, we will give a short sketch of some of them.

Among tlie most valuable men of the place was Capt. Samuel Wright, Avho came from the West Parish in Sudbury, and was proprietor of lot No. 1 in the first apportionment of Rutland territory. Captain Wright was the first deacon of the church there, justice of the j)eace, captain of the militia, and for years held various other town offices. He was clerk and one of the proprietors of the twelve-milessquare land tract. It was at a meeting at his house that land divisions of the town were confirmed, June 2^5, 1721. He was the first moderator, town clerk, and selectman chosen after Rutland became incorporated. Captain Wright kept a tavern for some time opposite the first meeting-house, at which })]ace much of the business of the town was transacted. He was prominent in defending the town against the incursions of the Indians, who assailed it savagely in its early history ; and in this defense he was reinforced by soldiers from Sudbury. Captain Wright was tlie sixth son of Edward Wright, who is supposed to have l)een a son of one of Sudbury's early inhabitants or grantees. lie was born April 9, 1670. He married Mary Stevens, a daugliter of Cyprian Stevens, whose wife was Mary Willard, daughter of Major Simon Willard of Lancaster, and of his third wife, Mary Dunster, who was a relative of Mr. Dunster, president of Harvard College. Captain Wright was by this marriage one of the heirs to the large land tract originally assigned as the Rutland territory, which, as we have mentioned, was, in 1713, confirmed as to ownership, on petition of the sons and grandsons of Major Simon Willard; and his daughter Mary's name was among the other heirs in the associate deed. He was also by this marriage with Mary made brother-in-law of Deacon Joseph Stevens, another early and prominent citizen of Rutland, who was the father of Capt. Phineas Stevens, the settler of whom we shall next speak in this sketch. Mr. Wright had several children, one of whom married Rev. Thomas Frink, the first settled minister of the place, and of whom mention will be made further on. The Wriglit family years ago almost or wlioll}' ceased to be inhabitants of Rutland.

One of the next in prominence as an historic character in the early histor}^ of Rutland, and who lived in Sudbury and had children while there, was Deacon Joseph Stevens. He was a son of Cyprian Stevens, who, as we have seen, married Mary Willard of Lancaster. He went from Sudbury to Framingham, and from there removed to Rutland about 1719. He married Prudence Rice, a daughter of John Rice of Sudbury, and while at Sudbury his son Phineas, the Indian fighter and famous captain in the French and Indian war, Avas born. Mr. Stevens was thus by relationship grandson of Major Simon Willard, and by heirship had an interest in the land tract. In the homestead allotment he received lots Nos. 15 and 56. He also had two hundred acres of other land. He filled various offices, military, ecclesiastical, and civil, among which were those of captain of militia and deacon. of the church. He put up a small hut on some meadow land five miles from his dwelling-place, and, there being no road to the place, he went to it daily on rackets or snowshoes to feed his stock. On the 14th of August, 1723, after the daily devotional service with his family, Mr, Stevens started with four young men to gather hay, and while engaged in the work he was assailed by the Indians, two of his sons were killed, the eldest and youngest were taken prisoners, and he alone escaped. The captives were taken to Canada ; and, being kept there a year, were redeemed at great expense, after the father had taken two trips to Canada. It is said, that, after the capture of these boys, the Indians, thinking that Isaac, the younger, who Avas but four years old, would be troublesome to them on their way to Canada, were about putting him to death, when their design was discovered by Phineas, who made signs, that, if liis brother were sj^ared, he would carry him along on his back. The request being granted, little Isaac w^as carried by his brother Phineas, then about seventeen, to the Indians' far-off wilderness home. Isaac was so 3'oung when taken captive that he soon acquired the customs and habits of the Indians. It is stated that the Indian woman who had this young child in charge was so kind in her treatment of him, that he would have remained among the savages. By the redemption of Phineas Stevens from his captivity in Canada, the country received a man whose services were invaluable in after years. This son of Sudbury afterward became an historic character, from his masterly military prowess in and about Fort No. 4, a place on the Connecticut River at Charleston, N.H. Deacon Stevens had three daughters, Mindwell, Mary, and Katherine. He died Nov. 15, 1769, and his wife about 1776.

Capt. Edward Rice and Rachel, his wife, were from Sudbury, and were some of the most prominent people of Rutland. He w'as proprietor of two lots Nos. 34 and 60 and their after divisions. One of these lots he sold to Mr. Benjamin Dudley, and settled on the other, which w^as located at Muschapauge Hill, and contained one hundred and fortyfive acres; but, after building upon it, he sold it, and bought a lot south of Pomagussett Meadow, at which place he lived, and where he died, at the age of sixty-seven, during a remarkable sickness which, in 1756, swept over Rutland, destroying daring the fall months nearly sixty children. Mrs. Rice, his wife, died of small pox, Jan. 7, 1760. Captain Rice was a useful citizen for his country, town, and church. He entered into the service of his country in 1724, and after his return home held both militia and town offices.

Capt. Samuel Stone was of Lexington, but previously was a citizen of Sudbury. He Avas proprietor of lot No. 25; but, with his sons, he eventually became owner of about nine hundred acres of land. Samuel Stone, Jr., on Oct. 20, 1732, married a daughter of Deacon Stevens, by whom he had several children. He was an ardent patriot, and died in the service of his country at the time of the Revolutionary War. His son Isaac died in the French War, Nov. 20, 1756.

Capt. Phineas Walker and his wife, Beulah Clapp, were from Sudbur}^ where their first two children were born. Mr. Clapp owned land at the junction of Ware and Longmeadow Brooks, to which place he moved in 1750. He was a valuable inhabitant of Rutland, and filled various important town offices, and was also a captain in the Revolutionary War. Mr. Walker and wife, soon after arriving at Rutland, united with the church, and it is stated of them, that, though living four miles from the meeting-house, " their seats were seldom empty." In the great sickness of 1756, their two sons, Abel and John, were buried in one grave. Two of their other sons were physicians ; one, named Asa, practised in Barre; the other died Nov. 30, 1797. Jonas was a minuteman and officer in the Revolution.

Col. Daniel Clapp was a Sudbury man, and in 1768 bought land in Rutland, to which place he moved from the town of Princeton. He filled many important offices while at Rutland, was an officer in the Revolutionary^ War, and for many years registrar of deeds for Worcester County.

Lieut. Luke Moore and Lucy, his wife, were other citizens from Sudbury. Mr. Moore was an officer of militia, and a worthy citizen. He subsequently removed from Rutland to New Hampshire. It is stated that Mr. Luke Moore A^as a brother of all the women of the name of Moore who went from Sudbury to Rutland. Lieut. Paul Moore, another titled citizen, was from Sudbury. He was by trade a carpenter. He filled various town offices, as town clerk, selectman, and treasurer. Mr. Moore married. May 3, 1733, Hannah Hubbard, a daughter of Capt. John Hubbard, who moved from Worcester to Rutland about 1728 ; and for his second wife he married Azubah jNIoore of Sudbury. The wife of Lieutenant Moore was a well-known maker of deer-skin clothes. A grandson of Mr. and Mrs. Moore was Rev. John Hubbard Church, formerly of Pelham, N. H.

Cornet Daniel Estabrook and Hannah, his wife, were both from Sudbury. It is stated that Mr. Estabrook, in 1723, bought land laid out to Samuel Goodnow to his right of lot No. 46, situated on Worcester Hill ; and that when he began to fell trees it was perilous going to his work without his gun, not onl}^ from exposure to Indians, but also to bears and wolves.

Another Sudbury citizen who owned land in Rutland, and whose family was represented among its early settlers, was Thomas Read, proprietor of Lot 22, with its divisions. Thomas Read, the son of Thomas, moved from Sudbury to Rutland with Sarah, his wife, and located their homestead on the lot just mentioned. They were some of the first pioneers, and shared the perils incident to a settler's life. Mr. Read had five children, Jason, Thomas, Mary, Jonathan, and Micah. All Mr. Read's sons married wives from Framingham. Mr. Read was of the old Read family in Sudbury, the first of which family in the town was Thomas, who settled at Lanham as early as 1654. It is said, in the " History of Rutland," that "this famil}' of Reads have been useful and industrious inhabitants of Rutland for one hundred and twenty years."

Jonathan Stearns, who married Abigail Moore, bought lands adjacent to what is called the East Wing.

Moses Maynard and his wife, Tabitha Moore, bought land in Rutland adjacent to the East Wing, which was once granted to Jonathan Waldo, and first division of upland to the rigi'ht of lots Nos. 26 and 27. The descendants of Mr. and Mrs. Maynard were numerous, and settled to quite an extent in New Hampsliire and Georgia. In 1836 it was said that Mr. Ma3^nard was the hirgest man that ever lived in Rutland, and that about a year and a half before his death, which occurred in his sixty-eighth year, he weighed four hundred and fifty-one pounds.

Mr. Moses Baxter, a carpenter, who married Mary Moore of Sudbury, bought a farm joining the East Wing,

Mr. Eliphalet Howe was of the old Howe family in Sudbur}^ and bought land on Walnut Hill, Rutland.

Among the settlers in and about Rutland are other and familiar Sudbury names ; but those which have been given show how much the town contributed towards the settlement. In the establishment of the church, also, Sudbury was quite prominent. The first deacon was Samuel Wright, at whose house was held a meeting for the signing of the church covenant, July 18, 1727. July 21, 1721, Rev. Joseph Willard was chosen pastor, but was slain by the Indians August 11 of the same year. At a meeting held Ma}' 17, 1727, at which Capt. Samuel Wright presided, Rev. Thomas Frink was chosen hy unanimous vote to be the settled pastor. He was a native of Sudbury, and took his degree at Harvard College in 1722. His father came from England, with two brothers. He was settled at Rutland, Nov. 1, 1727, and dismissed Sept. 8, 1740. Previous to the installation of Mr. Frink, letters missive were sent to six churches, among which Avere those of the East and West Parishes, Sudbury. Samuel Wright and Lieut. Simon Davis were chosen to sign these letters for the church. In accordance with the invitation, Revs. Loring and Cook of Sudburj^ were present. Mr. Frink and Capt. Samuel Wright joined tlie church by letters brought from the West Precinct Church. Rev. Israel Loring preached the installation sermon, from 2 Cor, ii. 16 : " And who is sufficient for these things." After lajdng on of hands by Revs. Loring, Prentice, Parsons, and Chenery, Mr. Frink " was ordained a Presbiter of the Church and Pastor of Rutland." Mr. Loring gave the right hand of fellowship. After singing part of the Eighty -ninth Psahn, the pastor "pronounced the Blessing."

After Mr. Frink was dismissed from Rutland, he was installed pastor of the Third Church, Plymouth, Nov. 7, 1743 ; and October, 1753, he was installed pastor at Barre, where he labored until July 17, 1766. He married Isabella, daughter of Capt. Samuel Wright, Feb. 13, 1729, and had a family of ten children. He was a man of considerable ability, and preached the election sermon at Boston in 1758. His son Samuel was also a minister ; and at the time of Mr. Whitefield's visit to the country he was rector of a church in Savannah, Ga. John Frink was a physician, and practiced in Rutland.

Thus the influence of Sudbury in the settlement of Rutland was strongly marked ; and it may be gratifying to the town's people to-day that such good and prominent results have accrued from the presence of her citizens abroad.

CHAPTER X.                 page 177

1650-1675.

Activity on the West Side of the River. Early Homesteads. Laying Out of the " New Grant." Land Allotments. Owners and Occupants. "The Thirty Rod Highway." Settlement of Marlboro. The "Hop Brook Mill." Highway to the New Mill. "Old Lancaster Road." New Meeting-House; Contract. The " Cow Common " Controversy.

The smoke wreaths curling o'er the dell, The low, the bleat, the tinkling bell,

All made a landscape strange, Which was the living chronicle

Of deeds that wrought the change.

A. B. Street.

Having noticed the leading events in the establishment of the town, we will now consider its history mainly by periods of a quarter of a century each. In doing this we shall consider events somewhat in chronological order, taking liberty, however, to deviate as much as convenience and a proper treatment of the subject maj^ direct.

Between 1650 and 1675 the west side liad rapid development. Prior to the beginning of this period the pioneer spirit of the settlers had led to a thorough exploration of this part of the town, and they had located by its hills and along its meadows and valleys, as if undaunted by distance from the meeting-house and mill, and indifferent to the perils of the wilderness. But although there was, to an extent, an occupation of the west part of the town from the very beginning of the settlement, yet the greater activity was for a time on the east side ; in that part was the centralization of people, and things were more convenient and safe. Indeed, the settlers for a season may have regarded the west side as

177 a wilderness countiy, destined long to remain in an unbroken state. The view westward from certain points along the first street was upon woody peaks and rocky hillsides. Beyond the valley of Lanham and Lowance, towered Nobscot; its slope, thickly covered with forest, might look like an inhospitable waste; while the nearer eminence of Goodman's Hill, with its rough, rocky projections, may have had a broken and desolate aspect. It is no wonder, then, that in the earlier years of the settlement we read of so many corn-fields on the east side of the river, and find jjarties desirous of obtaining new farms seeking them in a southerl}^ rather than a westerly direction. But when absolute wants were once met, and things essential to existence were provided ; when the settlers had acquired a better knowledge of the country and of the character of its native inhabitants, and a substantial causeway was made, then began a greater development of the Avest part of the town.

The indications are that these things were accomplished about the year 1G50. At this time we begin to notice the mention of homesteads on the west side, and the construction of works for public convenience. The lands first occupied, probably, were those near Lanham and Pantry, and along the meadows by the river course ; while the more central portion, called "Rocky Plain," was not taken till somewhat later. This is indicated, not only by the known locations of early homesteads, but by the locality of the westside cow common. (See Chapter VII.) These sections may have been first taken on account of the abundance of meadow land, and the existence of roads which had been made for the transportation of hay.

A prominent person who early located there was Walter Haynes. He had a house by the meadow margin, which, in 1676, was used as a garrison, and which early in town history was called " Mr. Haynes' old house." In 1646 he was granted liberty to run a fence " from his meadow, which lies on the west side of the river, across the highway to his fence of his upland at his new dwelling-house, provided that Walter Hayne do keep a gate at each side of his meadow for the passing of carts and the herds along the highway that his fence may not be prejudicial to the town." Botli record and tradition indicate that John and Edmund Goodenow early had hinds near the Gravel Pit, and also at or near the present Farr and Coolidge Farms. By 1659, Thomas Noyes and Thomas Plympton had established houses on the west side, the former on lands at Hop Brook, and the latter at Strawberry Bank. As early at least as 1654, Thomas Read was at Lanham ; and by 1659 Peter Bent was there also.

Some public acts which indicate activity on the west side, as set forth by the records, are as follows : In 1654 it was ordered that Walter Hayne and John Stone " shall see to the fences of all the corn-fields on their side the river ; " and in 1659 a committee was appointed to look after the higliways there. The mention of bridges by 1641, the ferry of Mr. Noyes in 1642, and the contract for a cart-bridge in 1643, ai-e all indications of early activity in the west part of the town. But the more important matters of a public nature were in connection with the Laying out of new lands, the construction of important roads, and the erection of a mill.

LAYING OUT OP NEW LANDS.

These lands consisted of the two-mile grant, allowed in 1649. (See Chapter IV.) Its eastern boundary line extended nearly as follows: A little west of North Sudbury, Sudbury Centre, and South Sudbur}^, or, more specifically, by , the Moses Mossman place, across the Poor Farm, by the east bank of Willis's Mill Pond, across or just east of Blandford's Pond, over the Walter Rogers place, and a little west of Hunt's Bridge. From this easterly limit, it extended to the town's western boundary. Oct. 27, 1651, John Sherman and others were appointed to lay out this land. The following record indicates how the money was raised to meet the expense of this work, and also a rule that was agreed upon for the apportionment of the land :

Nov. 27, 1651. "It is agreed in a public town meeting warned for that purpose, that the rate now to be levied for the payment of John Sherman and others for lajdng out the two miles westward joining to our former bounds which was last granted by the Court for our enlargement shall be paid by the inhabitants eveiy man to pay alike, the same in quantity and when that the two miles shall be layed out that every man shall enjoy a like quantit}^ of that land."

About two years later a dispute arose relative to the manner in which the two-mile grant was to be divided. " Two ways were proposed, neither of which gave satisfaction ; the first was to divide them equallj^^to every man ; the other was to divide by estate or family to every man four parts to every wife, child or sexwant bought or brought up in the family one part."

On Jan. 4, 1655, at a selectmen's meeting it was " voted to take some means to get the new grants laid out ; " and it Avas also agreed " to keep a herd of cattle upon the land the next summer." Thus the subject of the new grant was a prominent one, and how to apportion it was an important matter. At length the plan was adopted of dividing it into squadrons, the arrangement of which was as follows : "The south east was to be the first, the north east the second, the north west the third, and the south west the fourth." It was voted there should be a highway extending north and south, " 30 rods wide in the new grant joining to the five miles first granted;" also, "Voted that there should be a highway 30 rods wide, from south to north, paralel with the other said highway in the middle of the remaining tract of land."

The records further state, that, as there was a pond in the third and second squadrons, "so tliat the middle highway from south to north cannot pass strait," it was voted to have it "go round the pond." These squadrons. were subdivided into parcels of equal size, each containing one hundred and thirty acres, and were apportioned to the people by lot. It was voted that "the first lot drawn was to begin at the south side of the first squadron running east and west betwixt our highways ; the second lot to be in the north side of the first, and so every lot following successively as they are drawn till we come to Concord line and so the first and second squadron."

Persons who received parts of this land, and the order of receiving it, are thus given in the records : 181

John Blanford

1

Thomas Noyes

2

Walter Hains

3

William Kcrley

4

Joseph Freeman

5

Henry Curtis

6

Mr. Brian Pendleton

7

Thomas Rice

8

Edward Rice

9

Mr. Herbert Pelham

10

L[t] Edmund Goodenow

11

Robert Davis

12

These twelve lots written, are the first squadron, the first of them joining to the country land on the south, and the last of them joining to Lancaster highway on the north, each lot containing one hundred and thirty acres, the length being nearest hand east and west, the breadth north and south.

The second squadron are :

William Ward 13

Josiah Hains 14

Henry Loker 15

John How • 16

Edmund Rice 17

Philemon Whale 18

John Loker 19

Mr. Edmund Browne 20

John Parmenter, Dea 21

John Maynard 22

Robert Darnill 23

Thomas White 24

Richard Newton 25 John Reddicke, part of his 26

These thirteen lots and a part afore written are the second squadron, the first whereof being William Ward's who joineth to Lancaster highway on the south, the last being part of Sargent Reddicke's lot which joineth to Concord line on the north all this squadron of lots, wiih the other aforegoing, being bounded on the east by a, highway thirty rods wide, and part of the two miles last granted to Sudbur}- each lot containing one hundred and thirty acres ; third squadron are as followeth :

Mr Wm Browne his farm of two hundred acres, and his lot of one hundred and thirty acres, being granted to be in the north west angle beyond Asibath river before the lots were laid out. Also the other part of Sargent Reddicke's lot joining to Mr. William Browne's farm on the north.

John Ward

27

Peter Kinge

28

John Smi'.h

29

Hugh GrilTin

30

Henry Rice

31

John [ ]

32

Robert Beast

33

William Kerley Sen

34

John Wood

. 35

John Rutler

36 Solomon Johnson Sen 37

John Toll ' 38

Widow Goodenow 39 ,

The thirteen lots last written with j\lr. W'" Browne's farm and lot and the part of Sergent Reddicke's lot, are the third squadron. Mr. Browne's farm joineth to Concord line on the north, and the widow Goodenow's lot joineth the same said Lancaster highway on the south, the said squadron of lots and farm being on the east the middle highway thirty rods wide and the second squadron, and butting on the west upon the wilderness.

The fourth squadron are as followeth :

John Moores 40

John Woodward 41

John Grout, 42

John Bent Sen, 43

Thomas Goodenow 44

Thomas Plympton, > 45

John Haines, 46

Mr. Peter Noyes, 47

Mr William Pelham 48

John Parmenter Junior, 49

Thomas Kinge 50 The Cowpen land being one

hundred and thirty acres 51

These above eleven lots going with the cowpen land, are the fourth and last squadron, the first [one] of [which] being [that of] John Moores, who joineth on the north the same said Lancaster highway, the cowpen being the last, which joineth on the south to the wilderness the said eleven lots and cowpen butting on the east the aforesaid -|- highway and first squadron and butting on the west the wilderness. Also let it be remembered that the long highway from south to north goeth at the west end of the pond through the lands of John Toll and Solomon Johnson, and is twelve rods wide at the narrowest, which way the said John Toll and Johnson have sufficient allowance.

This land, laid ont so regularly, was good property. Some of tlie most substantial homesteads of the town have been, and still are, upon it. The names of Howe, Parmenter, Woodward, IVIoore, BroWne, Walker, Noyes, Balcom, and Rice, of the older inliabitants, and, later, of Fairbanks, Stone, Willis, Smith, Ilayden, Maynard, Perry, Bowker, Vose, Brigham, and others, all had residences there. The possession of this new grant territory, and its early apportionment, would serve naturally to keep the people in town. It opened new resources to the settlers by its timher lands ; and the circuitous course of Wash Brook gave meadows and mill privileges 'which the people were not slow to improve. Probably the earlier settlers of this tract went from the east side of the river as into a new country or wilderness. There they erected garrisons ; and that there were in this territory at least three of these houses indicates the exposed condition of the place at the time of its early occupation by the English. "Willis," tlie largest pond in town, a part of "Nobscot," the highest hill, and the most extensive timber tracts, are in this new grant. In it have been located no less than five saw or grist mills. From this territory was taken part of the town of Maynard, and in it were located for years two out of five of the old-time district school-houses. The Wayside Inn and the Walker Garrison are still there ; and although the stirring scenes of the old stage period, which gave liveliness to the one, and the dismal war days, which gave imj^ortance to the other, have passed away, 'yet there remains a thrift and prosperity about the substantial farms of the ancient new grant lots that make this locality one of importance and interest.

THE THIRTY-ROD HIGHWAY.

But, while these new lands proved so beneficial to the town, the " Thirty-Rod Highway " in time caused considerable trouble. It was laid out for the accommodation of the owners of lots, and, as the name indicates, was thirty rods wide. The unnecessary width ma}^ be accounted for as we account for other wide roads of that day: land was plentiful, and the timber of so large a tract would be serviceable to the town.

But the width tended to cause disturbance. The land was sought for by various parties, by abuttors on one or both sides, it may be ; by those dwelling within the near neighborhood ; and by Such as desired it for an addition to their outlying lands, or a convenient annex to their farms. The result was that to protect it required considerable vigilance. Encroachments were made upon it, wood and timber were taken away, and at successive town-meetings what to do with this Thirty-Rod Highway was an important matter of business. But at length it hirgely ceased to be public property. Piece after piece had been disposed of; some of it had been purchased by private parties, some of it exchanged for lands used for other highways, and some of it may have been gained by right of possession.

But, though so much of this road has ceased to be used by the public, there are parts still retained by the town and open to public use. The Dudley Road, about a quarter of a mile from the William Stone place, and which passes a small pond called the Horse Pond, tradition says is a part of this way. From near the junction of this with the county road, a part of the Thirty-Rod Way runs south, and is still used as a way to Nobscot. On it, tradition also says, is the SmallPox Burying- Ground at Nobscot. A part of this road, as it runs east and west, is probably the present Boston and Berlin Road, or what was the " Old Lancaster Road." Other parts of this way may be old wood-paths that the Sudbury farmers still use and speak of as being a part of this ancient landmark.

" OLD LANCASTER ROAD."

This road, which was at first called the " Road to Nashuway," probably followed an ancient trail. In 1653 it was "agreed by the town that Lieutenant Goodenow and Ensign Noyes shall lay out the way with Nasliuway men so far as it goes within our town bound." A record of this road is on the Town Book, and just following is this statement :

" This is a true copy of the commissioners appointed by the town taken from the original and examined by me.

" Hugh Griffin."

This record, which is among those for 1646, b}^ tlie lapse of time has become so worn that parts are entirely gone. It is supposed, however, that some of the lost parts have been restored or supplied by the late Dr. Stearns. We Avill give the record, so far as it can be obtained from the Town Book, and insert in brackets the words that have been supplied from other sources : «

RESIDENCE OF JOSEPH C, HOWE. We whose names are hereunto subscribed appoint[ed by] Sudbury and the town of Lancaster to lay out the high[way over the] river meadow in Sudbury near Lancaster to the [town] bound according to the Court order, have agreed as follows [viz ] That the highway beginning at the great river meadow [at the gravel] pitt shall run from thence [to the northwest side of] Thomas Plympton's house, [and from thence] to timber swa[mp as] marked by us and so on to Hart Pond leaving the [rock] on the north side of the way and from thence to the extreme [Sudbury bounds] as we have now marked it the breadth of the way is to be the gravel pitt to the west end of Thomas Plympton's lot and . . . rods wide all the way to the utmost of Sudbury bound and thence upon the common highway towards Lancaster through Sud[bury] therefore we have hereunto set our hand the 22°"^ day of this pres[ent month]

Edmund Goodenow

Date 1653 Thomas Noyes

William Kerley

This road has for many years been a lanclmarlc in Sudbury ; but the oldest inhabitant cannot remember when, in its entire length, it was used as a highway. Parts of it were long since discontinued, and were either sold or reverted to the estates of former owners. In 1806, an article was in the warrant " to see if the town would take any measures for opening the road called ' Lancaster Old Road ' at a gate a little north of Curtis Moore's dwellino- house thence running: southerly till it comes into the road leading from the mills to the meeting house." The road here referred to is probably that which comes out by the present Horatio Hunt place, about midway of the two villages. This record shows the track of the road from its intersection with the present meeting-house road to the point referred to as being " a little north of Curtis Moore's dwelling house ; " and, from that point, it probably continued along the present travelled way to the Berlin road. Its course east of the Hunt place, so far as we can judge from tradition, record, visible traces, and the lay of the land, took the following course : Going easterly a few rods, it goes southerly, and at a point about a quarter of a mile easterly of the Wadsworth Monument it takes a southeasterly course, and intersects the present Graves Road at the junction of two roads, near the William Jones place. It then, we believe, ran northeasterly over the length of the ridge, by what is still a rude wood-path, and came out on the eastern slope of the hill, near the Albert Haynes place, where Mr. Plympton once kept a grocery store. A little east of this, and south of the Elbridge Bent place, there are traces of a road, that for a little distance has a stonewall on either side, and which comes out a little south of the western end of the northern causeway, or at a point a little south of where the Water-row Road intersects the road going from Sudbury Centre to Wayland. Some have placed that part of this road which is east of the Graves Road a little further south, that is, along the south side of the hill, rather than upon it, but we believe the nature of the meadow at the east, and the absence of all trace of the road in the valley, together with traces of an ancient road through the woods on the hill and also near the Elbridge Bent place, are evidences that it took the course first described. Probably mistakes have been made relative to the course of this road west of Sudbury Centre, from the fact that formerly there were two Lancaster roads. (See map of 1794.)

The two-mile grant was hardly disposed of, and the Lancaster Road laid out, before there was a plan for the formation of a new plantation. The result was the settlement of the town of Marlboro. (See Chapter IX.) But the loss of population did not materially affect the prosperity of the town or delay the progress on the west side.

THE HOP-BROOK MILL.

In 1659 a mill was put up, where the present Parmenter Mill stands in South Sudbury. This mill was erected by Thomas and Peter Noyes. In recognition of the serviceableness of their work to the community, the town made them a land grant, and favored them with such privileges as are set forth in the following record :

Jan. 7"" 1659. Granted unto Mr Thomas Noyes and to M'' Peter Noyes for and in consideration of building a mill at Hop brook laying and being on the west side of Sudbury great river below the cart way that leads to Ridge meadow viz: fifty acres of upland and fifteen acres of meadow without commonadge to the said meadow four acres of the said fifteen acres of meadow lying and being within the demised tracts of uplands; Also. granted to the above named parties timber of any of Sudbury's common land, to build and maintain the said mill. Also the said Thomas and Peter Noyes do covenant with the town for the foregoing consideration, to build a sufficient mill to grind the town of Sudbury's corn; the mill to be built below the cart way that now is leading to Ridge meadow, the said Giantees, their heirs and successors are to have nothing to do with the stream above four rods above the aforementioned cartway of said mill to be ready to grind the corn by the first of December next ensueing, and if the said grantees, their heirs or assigns shall damage the highway over the brook, by building the said mill, they are to make the way as good as now it is, from time to time, that is to say, the above specified way, over the Mill brook of said Thomas Noyes and Peter are also to leave a highway six rods wide joining to the brook from the east way that now is to the Widow Loker's meadow. (Town Records, Vol. I.)

While the new mill was being built, a way was being made to it from the causeway, as we are informed by the following record, dated Feb. 7, 1659 :

We the Selectmen of Sudbury, finding sundry inconveniences, by reason of bad and ill highways not being passable to meadow lands and other towns, and finding the law doth commit the stating of the highways to the prudence of the selectmen of towns, we therefore being met the day and year above written, on purpose to view the highways in the west side of Sudbury river, and having taken pains to view them, do we say, conclude and jointly agree that the highway from the Gravel pits shall go through the land newly purchased of Lieut. Goodenow to that end, and from thence down the brow of the hill the now passed highway, unto the place where the new mill is building, that is to say, the way that is now in occupation, we mean the way that goeth to the south and Mr Beisbeich his house, we conclude and jointly agree, that the way to the meadows, as namely, the meadow of John Grout, Widow Goodenow, John Maynard, Lieut. Goodenow, shall go as now it doth, that is to say, in the hollow to the said meadows, the highway to be six rods wide all along by the side of the said meadows.

The new road here mentioned is, probably, mainly the same as that leading from the old causeway, or Gravel Pit, to South Sudbury to-day. Until within about a century it paiSsed round the southern brow of Green Hill. This road was probably part of a path or trail that had been travelled before. This is indicated botli by the circumstances and the language of the record. It is not improbable, that, before the formal recognition or laying out of this road, a part of it was a way from the Gravel Pit, or end of the long causeway, to Lieutenant Goodenow's, southeasterly of the present Coolidge place, and extended from that point to Lanham, and was the road travelled by Thomas Read and others of Lanham to the meeting-house. There is still an old lane easterly of the Cooledge Farm, marked by fragments of wall, which may have been a part of the way to tlie old Goodenow Garrison. It is not improbable that this lane extended as a pathway along the margin of Lanham Meadows to Lanham. If this was the case, then the land spoken of as purchased of Lieutenant Goodenow, for the " new mill " road, may have extended, from the point where this lane leaves the present county road, along towards Green Hill ; and the " now passed highway " mentioned may have been the road in South Sudbury called the " old road," which, it is conjectured, was a part of the path leading from South Sudbury to the old Lancaster trail. (See period 1675-lTOO.) Or, in other words, two ways may be referred to in the records as making a part of this new road ; one, a portion of the path leading from the old Lancaster trail to the southwest part of the town, which was probably travelled by those living in the vicinity of Nobscot, as they passed to the east part of the town ; the other, an early path by the Goodenow Garrison to Lanham.

NEW MEETING-HOUSE.

While the town was making improvements on the west side of the river, it was active on the east side also ; and one of the important works there, in this period, was the erection of a new meeting-liouse. Whether the people had outgrown the old one, or desired a better, is not stated ; but it is a mark of thrift, or of increase, that they proposed to build anew. That more room was wanted, is indicated by this record, in 1651 : " It was agreed by the town that Edm"^ Rice Senior, William Browne, John Reddicke and Henry Rice that they four shall desire the Pastor's approbation to build galleries in the old meeting-house, and if the Pastor do consent, then the town doth hereby give full power to the Pastor and these four men to continue the work, and to let it out to workmen."

fiiSTORY OF SUDBURY. l8&

Probably these galleries were never put in, as tliey soon afterwards commenced building a new meeting-house. Before, however, it was decided to build anew, various plans were suggested relative to the, enlargment and improvement of the old one. In 1650 it was ordered that the deacons should "mend tlie meeting house and make it comfoptable." One plan was to enlarge it by the addition of " 13 foote at the end of it," and that the committee should " finish the back side which enlargement is for a watchouse." A plan a little later was that the meeting-house " be enlarged by building 10 foote on the foreside of it all the length of the meeting house to be built with two gable ends in the front ; and Mr. Brown the Pastor doth promise to give twenty shillings toward the work ; the former order for enlarging the meeting house at the north west end is hereby repealed. It is also ordered that the back side of the meeting house be made hansom."

On Dec. 10, 1651, the town succeeded in passing a vote for the erection of a new meeting-house, the vote standing twenty-five for and fourteen against it. But this vote was repealed at a meeting January 23 of the same year (Old Style), together with all orders for the repairing or alteration of the old one. The following year it was " agreed that the meeting house shall be made use of for a watch house until some further course be taken by the town." At length it was again decided to build a new meeting-house ; and in 1652 a contract was made for the work.

This contract is on the Town Records, but has become considerably^ worn and defaced, so that parts are almost or quite unintelligible. There is, however, a copy in the " Stearns Collection," which, with some slight immaterial alterations, is as follows :

The town agreed with Thomas Plympton Peter King & Hugh Griffin to build a new meeting house which was to be forty feet long & twenty feet wide measuring from outside to outside, the studds were to be 6 inches by 4 to stand for a four foot clapboard. There were to be 4 transom windows five feet wide & 6 feet high, and in each gable end a clearstory window, each window was to be 4 feet wide and 3 feet high. There were to be sufficient dorments across the house for galleries if there should afterward be a desire for galleries the beams to be 12 inches by 14 and the ground sills were to be of white oak 8 inches square. The posts were to be a foot square, and the 2 middle beams to be smoothed on three sides and the lower corners to be run with a boivkell. They the said Plympton King & Griffin are to find timber to fell, hew, saw, cart, frame, carry to place & they are to level the ground and to find them sufficient help to raise the house, they are to inclose the house with clap boards and to lyne the inside with cedar boards or otherwise with good spruce boards, & to be smoothed & over lapped and to be lyned up the windows, & they are to hang the doors so as to bolt. One of the doors on the inside is to be sett with a lock. They are to lay the sleepers of the doors with white oak or good swamp pine, & to floor the house with plank. They are to finish all the works but the seats, for which the town do covenant to give them * * * * 5 pound 20 to be paid in march next in Indyan [corn] or cattle, 30 more to be paid in Sep' next to be paid in wheat, butter, or money & the rest to be paid as soon as the work is done in Indyan corn or cattle the corn to [be] merchantable at the price current.

Witness Edmd. Goodnow Thomas Noyes

The new building was to be erected on the site of the old one. The town ordered " that the carpenters should provide 12 men to help them raise the meeting house," for which they were to be allowed half a crown a day. The roof was to be covered with thatch, and the workmen were to have " the meadow afterwards the minister's to get their thatch upon." In 1654 a committee was appointed " to agree with somebody to fill the walls of the meeting house with tempered clay provided they do not exceed the sum of 5 pounds 10 shillings." The parties who were to build the house were employed " to build seats after the same fashion as in the old meeting house," and they were to have for every seat one shilling eight pence. The seats were to be made of white oak, "both posts and rails and benches." In 1655 the pastor and IVIr. Noyes were empowered ^ to appoint a man to remove the pulpit and the deacons' seat out of the old meeting house into the new meeting house." Hugh Griffin was appointed for the work, and was ' to have 18 shillings for the work if the work is done this week or next according to the pastor's approbation."

The records also state that " upon the pastor's request the town hath granted that he shall have liberty for to set up the seat for his wife in the new meeting house under the window by the pulpit."

Dec. 27, 1655, it was voted that the meeting-house should be seated with new seats, "that the seats now brought into the meeting house shall be carried out again and the select men shall have power to place men in the seats when they are built."

The new building being brought to completion, the people probably left the little first meeting-house that the deft hands of John Rutter had reared, and went into this with hearts thankful for new comforts and conveniences. It may, however, have been with some reluctance that they left the old meeting-house, as around it doubtless clustered memories both glad and sad ; for it had sheltered them in times of united worship in their earlier experience in Sudbury ; when they had special need of divine support as strangers in a wilderness country, there they met, and together found strength for their trials and toils, and grace which brought patience and faith. Surely the old meetinghouse was a place only to be exchanged for another, as that other brought new comforts and was better adapted to meet their needs. Thus at the beginning of this period the town was in a thrifty condition, and had a fair prospect of speedy development and future prosperity. Civilized life was casting its brightness over the hills and along the valleys, and the scattered corn and wheat fields were gladdening the plains, which were being dotted on both sides of the river with pleasant homesteads. The young people who early came to the settlement were now coming into the full strength of sturdy manhood and womanhood ; and all had been sufficiently long in the country to know what it required of them and what they might expect from it. No outbreak had as yet occurred between the white man and his copper-colored brother of the woods, and both Nature and her children worked together in harmonious relations to bring plenty and peace. There are various small matters on record which indicate that the town looked well to its minor relations or interests, and exercised a vigilant watchfulness in making provision for whatever called for its care. The following are the records of some of these matters.

March 6, 1650, it was ordered " that the town rate of | now to be raised for the payment of the town debt shall be paid in corn." The same 3'ear it "ordered, a rate for the town pound to the value of 10 pound shall be leved to be paid in wheat 5 bush butter 6^, and f shall pay as much as a bushel of wheat."

A controversy was going on about this time with regard to the Sudbur}^ and Watertown bounds, and the town made "provision to prevent the encroachments of Watertown;" and a committee was appointed " to seek for the stopping of Watertown proceedings in coming too near our bound." The same year it was ordered that " a part of the town rate should be appropriated for the drum and halberd," and a rate was assessed " for repairing the Bridge, and Hugh Griffin was to have some pine poles for the staying of the same." In March, 1654, the controversy about the territorial bounds between Sudbury and Watertown was ended by the establishment of a boundary line between the two towns, by agents appointed from both places. In 1655, "the line of the New Grant was run by John Ruddock, Thomas Noyes, and John Howe."

But while the town was growing and increasing in strength, a controversy occurred which was of a somewhat serious character. Questions arose relating to the division of the " twomile grant," to the title of parties to certain lands, and to rights in the east side cow common. The controversy concerning this latter subject was in relation to "sizing" or " stinting " the common. It was specified when this land was reserved, that it " should never be ceded or laid down, without the consent of every inhabitant and townsman that hath right in commonage ; " and the rule for pasturing cattle upon it was, " The inhabitants are to be limited in the putting in of cattle upon the said common, according to the quantity of meadow the said inhabitants are rated in upon the division of the meadows." The rule of allowance on this basis was as follows : "For every two acres of meadow one beast, that is either cow, ox, bull or steer, or heifer above a year old, and every horse or mare above a year old to go as one beast and a half, and every six sheep to go for one beast, and that all cattle under a year old shall go without sizing." The endeavor to define rights of commonage, or the relation of the individual to this piece of town property, proved a difficult task. As might be expected among a people of positive natures, strong opinions were entertained, and decided attitudes were taken concerning a matter of individual rights. The affair was not wholly confined to the town in its social and civil relations, but the church became connected with it. The result was that a council was called to adjust ecclesiastical matters, and advice was also sought and obtained of the General Court.

It is not our purpose to give all the details of this once memorable case. We will, however, state a few facts that may suggest something of its general character. The case came before the people by a call in town-meeting for a vote as to whether they considered " the act of the selectmen in sizing the commons a righteous act." The affair not being satisfactorily adjusted in town-meeting, all the issues concerning the controversy, whether related to the cow commons or other matters in dispute, were laid before a committee of the Colonial Court. In answer to a petition of Edmund Brown, Peter Noyes, Jr., Walter Haynes, and divers others of Sudbury, the Court ordered that Maj. Simon Willard, Ensign Jn° Sherman and Mr. Thomas Danforth should be a committee " to hear and determine the difference between all or any of the inhabitants of Sudbury in reference to what is mentioned in the petition which petition is on file." (Colonial Records, Vol. IV., p. 228, date 1655.) The committee met at the ordinary kept by John Parmentef, and the questions which came before them were as follows : first, as to the right or title of certain individuals to certain lands, and specifically as to some held by Rev. Edmund Brown and Hugh Griffin ; second, as regarding the right of suffrage exercised by some not considered town inhabitants ; third, as regarding the right of sizing or stinting the common ; fourth, as regarding the act of defacing the town records. The committee appointed by the Court to adjust matters rendered this report: "Concerning the title of lands appropriated to several inhabitants . . . we do not find just cause to make valid their claims ; " and as concerns the land held by Mr. Brown the pastor of the Church there touching a part thereof some objection has been made and clamoring report laid against him, we do not find any just ground for the same." The committee concluded his titles were good, and confirmed them. Concerning the stinting of the common within the compass of the five miles, the committee concluded that the rule was " not as clear as desirable ; " and they made the following recommendations, which are given mainly in their own words : That, in the rule for stinting the common, respect should be had for both those whose estates had been weakened and those which had been prospered, that those of the former class should be considered and proportioned according to their several allotments of meadow, which gave them their right in the other part of the common already determined, the rule for which was in the Town Book, folio 27, and there was no disagreement about, and those of the latter class, namely, whose estate had been prospered, should be considered and proportioned according to the invoice of their estates given in for the county rate last past, without any respect had to their meadow formerly allotted them. The committee also declared that no person should have power to vote about tlie common " but such as have been allowed as free inhabitants of the town or have come upon the right of some that were so allowed." Since the committee found that the records, folio 58, touching the case, had been " crossed and defaced, they censured the act, and recommended that they be kept by the recorder of the court until there be a loving composure and agreement for former differences and a mutual choice of a fit person to keep the same." As some complaint had been made in reference to the title of Hugh Griffin's land, they stated that they considered his title valid. The}' finally concluded that every "allowed inhabitant of the town should have his commonage according to his meadow or invoice of his estate at his pleasure ; " and that no person who is not an allowed inhabitant, or had meadow, in case of voting should have any chiim to commonage. The people of Sudbury expressed full assent to the report of the commissioners, and returned " hearty thanks unto them for their paines faithfulness and love expressed." The council of churches having also met and considered the case, a formal adjustment of matters was made, and again things moved on in their accustomed way. "John Parmenter having expended the sum of 17-5-12 in entertaining both the council and committee appointed to end their differences, the Court orderes the said charges to be borne by all the town."

CHAPTER XI.                 page 195

1675-1700.

Philip's War: Sources of Information; Cause and Nature. Defensive Measures by the Town: Garrison- Houses ; Militia. Defensive Measures by the Colony. Services of the Town outside its Limits; List of Men Impressed. Swamp Fight. Services of Ephraim Curtis among the Nipnets: As a Messenger with Proposals of Peace; ' As a Guide in Captain Hutchinson's Expedition. Signs of Indian Hostilities in and about the Town. Edmund Brown's Letter. Night Attack on the Indians, and Death of Netus.

Over the hillsides the wild knell is tolling, From their far hamlets the yeomanry come;

As thro' the storm-clouds the thunder-burst rolling Circles the beat of the mustering drum.

O. W. Holmes.

The last quarter of the seventeenth century began dark and threatening to the colonists. A memorable Indian war was at hand, and gloomy and portentous was the outlook as the year 1675 set in. Sudbuiy, on account of its frontier position, was to be badly harassed by the enemy; and perhaps no New England town became more prominent than this in the annals of that remarkable period.

But, notwithstanding the prominence of Sudbury in this remarkable conflict, there is little information pertaining to it in the records of the town. This absence of information, however, is not very remarkable. The town books were for town business, and the military movements of that period largely related to the colony. The soui-ces from which mainly we derive information are papers preserved in the State archives, historians of the period, and a valuable paper recently discovered among the old Court files. The paper last mentioned consists of a petition presented by the inhabitants of Sudbury to the General Court assembled Oct. 11, 1676. This document settles the date of the Sudbury fight, and gives in detail some of the events connected with Philip's attack on the town. We shall refer to it as " The Old Petition."

Before commencing the narrative of the war, we will consider briefly the cause and nature of it. This war originated with and was conducted by Philip, a Wampanoag chieftain. His aboriginal name was Metacomet, but he was called Philip by Governor Prince, because of his bravery. Philip was a son of Massasoit, a friend of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, and lived at Mount Hope, near Bristol, R.I., a place on the west side of Mount Hope Bay. The Indian name of the place was Pokanoket. Metacomet, unlike his father, distrusted the English. He feared the gradual encroachment upon his broad forests betokened no good ; and he sought to check the English advance and increase by a devastating war. To accomplish his object, he sought alliance with most of the tribes of New England, and so far succeeded that a large portion of them were engaged in the hostilities that followed. With his combination of tribes, Philip had the material to do great mischief.

Probably of all the foes that New England ever encountered, Philip of Pokanoket was most dreaded ; and this war was the most destructive of any Indian war waged for the same length of time in this country. Villages and hamlets faded before his savage force ; homes became smouldering ash-heaps ; and lands, smiling in the sunlight of civilized life, were left forsaken and desolate, again to be draped in the old forest shade.

Besides the usual ferocit}' expected in an Indian combatant, the peculiar characteristics of the time and place aggravated the unhappy situation of the settlers. The wild condition of the country, the isolation of dwellings, the slow communication of place with place, all these were circumstances suited to arouse feelings of distrust, and to stir the inhabitants to a state of alarm. They were subjected to constant expectation of sudden Indian attack. Any sign might forebode the approach of the foe, and send the people to the shelter of their friendly garrisons. The strange foot-print of a moccasin on the outskirts of an outlying field, the freshly made trail in the forest, the mysterious smoke rising above the distant woodlands, or the dull sound of a gun in the thicket, were omens mysterious and strange. Besides the arousing of apprehension by signs of a material character, the situation was such that the superstitious nature of the inhabitants was wrought upon to an unusual degree. It was thought there were mysterious prognostications of what was to come. Strange omens were supposed to be seen in the sky, and wild, rushing sounds heard over the tree-tops, which were considered ominous of evil. So marked, indeed, were these circumstances, that perhaps the impressions made were different from those of any other war in New England.

Long after its devastations had ceased, the tale of Philip's raids was rehearsed by the farm-house fireside ; tradition passed the story of the times to posterity ; children received it from the lips of the parent who had heard, while within garrison walls, the wild whoop from the woods, or witnessed the skulk of the savage along forest, bramble, and rock. It was a wild, weird story to tell, and late listeners lingered about the bright hearthstone, and left with reluctance the warm kitchen precinct for the remote chamber beneath the old roof.

For a better understanding of the particular relation of this war to Sudbury, we divide the subject thus : First, the defensive condition of the town when the conflict set in.

Second, The part its citizens took in military operations outside the town limits.

Third, the Indians' near approach, their repulse, and the death of Netus.

Fourth, the attack on the town and the defense of the garrisons.

Fifth, the contest at the causeway and old town bridge.

Sixth, the battle at Green Hill, or the Sudbury fight.

DEFENSIVE MEASURES.

The principal means of defense in this war were the garrison-houses. These were not always under colonial authority, but were often private dwelling-places conveniently located. They were sometimes a rendezvous for the town's militia in times of expected attack, and used occasionally to shelter colonial soldiers when sent to a beleaguered place. Some of these garrison-houses were built strong, for the purpose of defense, while others were built in the ordinary way, and fortified when the danger became imminent.

Sudbury had several of these places of defense, a knowledge of which has come down to us, namely : The Brown Garrison, the Walker Garrison, the Goodenow Garrison, the Haynes Garrison, two others whose names are now unknown, and a block-house. Of these places we give the following information, derived from personal knowledge, record, and tradition :

THE BROWN GARRISON.

This stood on the present estate of Luther Cutting, about a dozen rods southeasterly of his residence, or a few rods east of the Sudburj'- and Framingham road, and about a half mile from the town's southern boundary. It had a gable roof, was made of wood, and lined with brick. It was perhaps built by Major Thomas Brown, and was owned and occupied by the descendants of the Brown family till a mod

THE BROWNE GARRISON HOUSE.

From an original painting by A. S. Hudson, from descriptions given by persons

once familiar with it. ern date. It was demolished about thirty-five years ago, when in the possession of Mr. Conant.

THE WALKER GARRISON.

The Walker Garrison-house is in the west part of the town, a little south of the Massachusetts Central Railroad, on the Willard Walker estate. This building is a curious structure, with massive chimney, large rooms, and lieavy frame-work. It is lined within the walls with upright plank fastened with wooden pins. It may have been erected by Thomas Walker, whose name, with others, is subscribed to "The Old Petition."

THE GOODNOW GARRISON.

This garrison stood a little southeasterly of the present Coolidge house, or a few rods northeast to east of the East Sudbury railroad station, and perhaps twenty or thirty rods from the South Sudbury and Wayland highway. A lane formerly went from the road to a point near the garrison. This house was standing about three-quarters of a century ago. Tradition states, that an old building a few feet square stood by it, which was called " the old barrack," and was removed to the Farr Farm. An old inhabitant, C. G. Cutler, who had been to the house in his early life, informed the writer that there was no mistake about this being the Goodnow Garrison ; for years ago it was generally considered so by the community.

THE HAYNES GARRISON.

This garrison stood on the Water-Row Road,* by the margin of the river meadow, a little northerly or northeasterly of the Luther Goodenow house. It was about an eighth of a mile from the Wayland and Sudbur}^ Centre highway, two or three rods from the road, and fronted south. In later years it was painted red. In 1876 it was still standing, but has since been demolished. It is supposed to have been erected by Walter Haynes, and was probably the place which, in the early records of the town, was repeatedly referred to as "Mr. Haynes' old house." One of the buildings which common tradition says was a garrison, but whose name is unknown, stood near the Adam How place, about twenty-five rods northwest of the house. It was one story high, and had a room at each end. For a time it was owned and occupied by Abel Parmenter, and was torn down years ago. It is stated by tradition, that, when the Wayside Inn was built, the workmen repaired to this house at night for safety.

The garrisons previously mentioned were named from their early occupants. Parmenter was the name of the first occupant of this house of whom we have any knowledge ; if he was the first, then doubtless this house was formerl}^ known as the Parmenter Garrison.

The other garrison, the name of which is unknown, was north of the Gulf Meadows, and on or near the present Dwier Farm (Bent place). Tiadition concerning this one is less positive than concerning the other. An old inhabitant, once poiixting towards the old Bent house, said, "There is where the people used to go when the Indians were about." It is quite evident that the Bent house was not a garrison, for that was built about a century ago ; but across the road southwesterly there are indications that some structure once stood, which may have been a garrison.

THE BLOCK-HOUSE.

The block-house stood in the north part of the town, on the Israel Haynes Farm. It was situated, perhaps, from thirty to fifty rods southwest of the house of Leander Haynes, on a slight rise of ground. It was small, perhaps fifteen feet square, more or less, and so strongly built that it was with difficulty taken to pieces. It was demolished about three-quarters of a century ago, when owned by Mr. Moses Haynes. Mr. Reuben Rice of Concord, a relative of Mr. Haynes, when over ninety years of age informed the writer that when it was torn down he chanced to be passing by, and looked for bullet-marks, and believed he found some. He stated there was no misttike about the house being used as a garrison. There may have been garrisons in town about which tradition is silent; and doubtless other dwellings were put in a defensive attitude when Indian hostilities began. It is stated that " man}^ houses were fortified and garrisoned." On the east side we have heard of no garrisons, but Rev. Edmund Brown fortified his house. In a letter sent to the Governor, Sept. 26, 1675, he states as follows: " I have been at a round charge to fortify my house, and except finishing the two flankers and my gate have finished. Now without four hands I cannot well secure it, and if for want of hands I am beaten out, it will be very advantageous to the enemy, and a thorn to the town." The men asked for were granted him ; and his house afforded a place of defense to the inhabitants of that locality, who were directed to resort to it in time of peril. After the war began the meeting-house was made a place of security, and fortifications were constructed about it.

Such were some of the means provided for protection in the coming conflict. These were the strongholds that stout hearts defended. In view of their service, it is unfortunate that these relics have to such an extent been destroyed. But, as we have stated, only one remains. With regard to the others, all that can now be done is carefully to mark the site and preserve the traditions concerning them.

MILITIA.

Beside the garrison-houses, the town had a small force of militia. Says "The Old Petition": "The strength of Our towne upon y^ Enemy's approaching it, consisted of eighty fighting men." These men were able bodied and strong for the work of war, liable to do duty for ^either country or town ; while others, younger and less vigorous, could stand guard and do some light service. When the war was fairly begun, the town's force was replenished by outside help. So that, with the people collected in garrisons, and the armed men able to fight in a sheltered place, a stout defense could be maintained against a considerably larger force . COLONIAL MEASURES OF DEFENSE.

Beside the defensive measures adopted by the town, there were also others devised by the colon3\ The cause was a common one. If the frontier towns were left unprotected, the seaboard settlements would be rendered unsafe. Some of the defensive measures adopted by the colony, in which Sudbury shared, are set forth in the following papers :

CAMBRiD(iE, 28: 1 mo. 167G. In obedience to an order of the Honorable Council, March, 1675-6, appointing us, whose names are underwritten, as a committee to consult the several towns of the county of Middlesex, with reference to the best means of the preservation of our out-towns, remote houses, and farms, for their security from the common enemy, we having sent to the several towns to send us their apprehensions by some one meet person of each town, this day we consulted concerning the same, and have concluded to purpose as followeth.

1. That the towns of Sudbury, Concord and Chelmsford be strengthened with forty men apiece, which said men are to be improved in scouting between town and town, who are to be commanded by men of prudence, courage and interest in the said towns, and the parties in each town are to be ordered to keep together in some place commodious in said towns, and not in garrisoned houses ; and these men to be upon charge of the country.

2. That for the security of Billerica there be a garrison of a number competent at Weymessit, who may raise a thousand bushel of corn upon the lands of the Indians in that place, may l,>e improved daily in scouting and ranging the woods between Weymessit and Andover, and on the west of Concord river on the east and north of Chelmsford, which will discover the enemy before he comes to the towns, and will prevent lurking Indians about our towns. Also that they shall be in a readiness to succor any of these towns at any time when in distress; also shall be ready to join with others to follow the enemy upon a sudden after their appearing.

3. That such towns as Lancaster, Groton, and Marlborough, that are forced to remove, and have not some advantage of settlement (peculiar) in the Bay, be ordered to settle at the frontier towns, that remain, for their strengthening; and the people of the said towns to which they are appointed, are to see to their accommodation in the said towns.

4. That the said towns have their own men returned that are abroad, and their men freed from impressment during their present state.

5. That there be appointed a select number of persons in each town of Middlesex, who are, upon any information of the distress of any town. 203

forthwith to repair to the relief thereof; and that such information may be seasonable, the towns are to dispatch posts, each town to the next, till notice be conveyed over the whole country, if need be.

Your humble servants,

Hugh Mason, Jonathan Danforth, Richard Lowdon,

Another paper, setting forth suggestions for defensive measures, is the following :

For the better securing our frontier towns from the incursion of the enemy, it is ordered by this Court, and authority thereof, that in each and every of these towns hereinafter mentioned, respectively, shall be allowed for their defence a sutible numbers of soldiers, well armed and furnished with ammunition fit for service ; the number or proportion in such towns to be as follows, viz.

Groton,

Pawtucket,

Sudbury,

Braintree,

Bradford,

Haverhill,

Chelmsford,

Medfield,

20 men. — men. 30 men. 15 men. 10 men. 20 men. 20 men. 30 men.

Weymouth,

Billerica,

Andover,

Concord,

Milton,

Hingham, .

Dedham,

15 men. 20 men. 20 men. 20 men. 10 men. 20 men. 20 men.

And it is further ordered, that each and every of the towns above mentioned, shall well and sufficiently maintain their several proportions of men with suitable provisions, respecting diet, at their own proper cost and charge during the time of their service.

These garrison soldiers, together with those who are to be in the prosecution of the enemy, are to be raised out of the four counties in which the garrisons are to be settled, and that these soldiers that are raised out of the garrison towns, shall be allowed them in part of the garrison, according as their proportion shall be, and that the settling of these garrisons in the respective towns, as to the place, and also the commander-in-chief, together with direction for the improvements of said garrisons to the best advantage for the security of towns and persons, it shall and is hereby left to the committee of militia in the several towns, who are hereby required and impowered to act therein according to this order. And this to be instead of a line of garrisons formerly proposed.

The deputies have past this with reference to the consent of the honored magistrates hereto. William Torrey, Clerk. Still another paper, showing the country's alarming condition, and the effort made by the colony to meet it, is the following: It was ordered. May 3, that each of the frontier towns be "divided into so many parties as a meete number may each day by turns be sent forth vpon the scout w*^ whom a party of Indians at the charge of the county shall be joined." (Colonial Records, Vol. V., p. 79.) These were to be managed by suitable commanders appointed by the military committee, and the soldiers who were absent " in service appertaining to sayed townes " were to be returned home and freed from the impress. In connection with said order, Sudbury was mentioned. Six others only were given. It was also ordered, at the same time, that when any town was assailed by the savages the chief commander, if present in any town, shall "send forth with what ayde can be spared with safety at home, for the security of the distressed." It was also ordered, lest the frontier towns be endangered by persons leaving them in an exposed condition, that no person "who is by law engaged to trayne, watch, ward or scout, is to leave the town he is an inhabitant of, without the consent of the committee of mellitie, or vpon their denial of the council of the commonwealth." Also, no party capable of doing garrison duty was to absent himself without the leave of the garrison commander. The Court also ordered, that soldiers should be emploj^ed daily "in scouting and warding, to prevent the skulking of the enemy about the sayd townes, and to give tymely notice of approaching danger, and also that the brush in higlnvays and other places [judged necessary] be cut up;" "such persons, youth, &c." as were not in "traine bands, and exempt by law," were to be under obligations "to attend command for that service."

Thus the inhabitants of the frontier towns Avere to remain at their posts, and fight. If they fled to the forest, it was a lurking place for the foe ; if they ventured for security to the seaboard settlements, they were liable to seizure and exile. All they could do was to gird themselves for the contest, and, gathered about their cordon of garrisons, await the coming foe. SERVICES OF SUDBURY OUTSIDE ITS OWN TERRITORY.

The people did not have long to wait inactive about their garrisons ; for though at the beginning of the war the town of Siidburj- was not attacked, as the Indians chiefly confined hostilities to the county of Plymouth, yet it was soon called upon to send aid to other places. Nov. 22, 1675, a warrant came from Major Willard to John Grout, Josiah Haynes and Edmund Goodnow, who called themselves the " humble servants the militia of Sudbury," requiring the impressment of nine able men to the service of the countr3\ They state to tlie Governor and Council that they have impressed the following men, namely : William Wade, Samuel Bush, John White, Jr., Thomas Rutter, Peter Noyes, Jr., James Smith, Dennis Headly, Mathew Gibbs, Jr., and Daniel Harrington ; but that they wish to have them released. Joseph Graves, master of Harrington, states that his servant had not clothing fit for the service; that he was well clothed when he was impressed before, but that he wore his clothes out in that service, and could not get his wages to buy more. The service that he was formerly impressed for was the guarding of families in " Natick Bounds." One of those families is supposed to be that of Thomas Eames, which was attacked by the Indians near the outbreak of the war. (See Chapter II.) A further reason for their release from this service is found in the following extracts from their petition : " Considering our condition as a frontier town, and several of our men being already in the service, our town being very much scattered ; " furthermore, that, several families being sickly, no use could be made of them for " watching, warding, scouting or impress, whereby the burden lies very hard on a few persons."

But, notwithstanding the imperiled condition of the people, we find that the town was represented a few weeks later in the "swamp fight," which was one of the hardfought battles of the war. This conflict occurred Dec. 19, 1675, in what is now Kingston, R. I. At this place the Narragansett Indians had a stronghold that the English resolved to attack. For this purpose an expedition of one thousand men was fitted out from the united colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut, under command of Major Josiah Winslow, Governor of the Plymouth Colon}'. The march of the expedition was in winter, and heavy snows impeded the progress of the troops. The fort, for one built by Indians, was unusually stroug. It was situated on a few acres of upland, in a swampy morass. The work was constructed of pallisades, surmounted by brush work, and the way to it was b}' fallen ti-ees, which could be protected by firing from a block-house. As the English charged over this bridge, they were swept by the fire of the foe in a murderous manner, and before the fight was over seventy of the English were slain, and one hundred and fifty were wounded, while the Narragansetts, it is supposed, lost about one tliousand. Sudbury was represented in Captain Mosely's company, which company, together with Captain Davenport's, it is said, led the van. Among the nine of Captain Mosely's men who were wounded was Richard Adams of Sudbury.

Not only did Sudbury furnish its quota of militia, but it supplied farther aid to the colony by the services of Lieut. Ephraim Curtis, the famous guide and scout. Mr. Curtis was a carpenter by trade, and at this time about thirty-three years of age. He had an intimate acquaintance with the country and its native inhabitants, and could speak their language with fluency. One prominent service that he performed was in acting as a messenger of the colonial authorities to the Nipnet Indians, who inhabited western and central Massachusetts. Supposing that an alliance of those Indians with Philip had not already been made, or that, if made, it might be broken, the authorities selected Ephraim Curtis to go among them and make overtures of peace. In giving information to the country of what had been done to avert the war, the authorities state as follows : " When our forces were sent out against Philip, We to satisfy and secure them, (the Nipnets), sent them, by Ephraim Curtis, a declaration with the public seal, that we had no design or intent to disturb them or any other Indians, that would remain in the plantation peaceable. Which message and messenger were rudely entertained by many of them there assembled, and the messenger much endangered by the younger men, and not with any satisfaction by the sachems, as the event showed." Lieutenant Curtis went on more than one expedition to tlie Nipnets. June 25, he was sent "to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nipmug Indians." In a letter to the colonial authorities, dated July 4, he says that he delivered the letter to the committee at Brookfield, and from there went directly to the Indians, whom he found at the same place where he had met them before. The task undertaken by Curtis in carrying out his embassy was dangerous in the extreme, and his thrilling experiences as set forth in a letter addressed to the Governor and Council, July 16, show a sagacity and daring unsurpassed even in those heroic times. We will give this letter in substance, quoting verbatim as far as space will allow : " Whereas your Honors employed your servant to conduct and also to make a perfect discovery of the motions of the Nipmugs and western Indians, Your Honor may be pleased here to see my return and behaviour." After giving some incidents of the journey before he reached Brookfield, he goes on to say, that, entering the woods, they proceeded westward, till they discovered an Indian trail, which they followed many miles, till they came to "the low river by Springfield old road." He says, " Here we saw new footings of Indians, and so, looking out sharp, in about two miles riding we saw two Indians, which when I saw, I sent the Indians that were with me from Marlborow, to speak with them, but as soon as they had discovered us, they ran away from us, but with fast riding and calling, two of our Indians stopped one of them, the other ran away. We asked this Indian, where the other Indians were. He being surprised with fear, so he only told us that the Indians were but a little way from us. So then I sent the Marlborow Indians before, to tell them that the messenger of the Governor of the Massachusetts was coming with peaceable words, but when he came to them they would not believe him." Mr. Curtis describes their place of encampment as being an island, in area about four acres, encompassed by a broad, miry swamp. Before reaching the river there met them at least forty Indians, some with their guns on their shoulders, others with them in their hands ready cocked and primed ; and most of those next to the river presented at them. He addressed them in the name of the Governor, whom he called his master, the Great Sachem of tlie Massachusetts, and required them to own their fidelity. He informed them that he came not to fight or to hurt them, but as a messenger from the Governor. He states that there was a great uproar among them, and some would have him killed. Says he, " I requested their sachems to come over the river, but they refused, saying that I must come over to them. My company was something unwilling, for they thought themselves in very great danger where they were. I told them we had better never have seen them, than not to speak to the sachems, and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult they would shoot after ns, and kill some of us. So with much difficulty we got over tlie river, and moist meadow, to the island where they stood to face us at our coming out of the mire, many Indians with their guns presented at us ready cocked and primed, so we rushed between them and called for their sachems. Still the uproar continued with such noise that the air rang. I required them to lay down their arms, and they commanded us to put up our arms first and come off our horses, which I refused to do. With much threatening and persuasion at last the uproar [ceased]. Many of them said they would neither believe me nor my master, without he would send them two or three bushels of powder. At length I spoke with their sachems which were five, and their other grandees, which I think were twelve more. Our Natic Indians seemed to be very industrious, all this time to still the tumult, and so persuade the Indians, and as I came to speak with the sachems we dismounted and put up our arms." Mr. Curtis says their number was about two hundred. (State Archives, Vol. LXVIL, p. 215.) Thus important and perilous was the work in which Curtis engaged for the colon}'; and that he was selected for the undertaking indicates the confidence of the authorities in both his courage and sagacity. It may be in connection with work among the Nipnets that the following order came to the constables of Sudbury, July 16, directing them "to impress two or three valuable horses with men and arms as Ephraim Curtis shall require." These were to be delivered to Curtis, and to accompany him, with two or three "able and confiding Indians which Captain Gookin will provide to go with him on the country's service." The order was to be carried out with all speed. If the carr^ang out of this order related to work among the Nipnets, then more than one Sudbury citizen participated in it and encountered its perils.

Still another service that was rendered by Curtis was in connection with the ill-fated expedition sent out under command of Capt. Edward Hutchinson. July 27, 1675, Captain Hutchinson was ordered to take with him Capt. Thomas Wheeler of Concord, and a score or more of his troop of horse, Ephraim Curtis as a guide, and three Christian Indians as interpreters, and forthwith to repair to the Nipmuck country, to ascertain the movements of the Indians. The company went from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675, and August 1 they arrived at Brookfield. They there learned that the Indians were about ten miles away. INIesseiigers were sent to inform them of the approach of the Englisli with friendh^ intentions. An interview was had with the sachems, who promised to meet the English near Brookfield the next morning. At the appointed time the English repaired to the place agreed upon, but the Indians were not there. It was considered inexpedient to follow them further ; but, urged by the peoj)le of Brookfield, they proceeded, contrary to the advice of their guides, several miles, to a place near a swamp, when they found themselves in an ambuscade. The Indians, consisting of two or three hundred, suddenly attacked the little company, killing eight and wounding three. Among the killed was Sydrack (or Shadrack) Hapgood of Sudbury, and among the wounded were Captains Hutchinson and Wheeler. A retreat was at once made to Brookfield ; and, having reached there, the soldiers entered one of the strongest houses and prepared for defense. Ephraim Curtis and Henry Young from Concord were sent to acquaint the Council at Boston of their imperiled condition. The brave emissaries started at once on their venturesome mission ; but the town was so beset with the savages that they were forced back to the garrison. Soon afterwards the house was assailed with great fury. Young, looking from the garret window, was shot and mortally wounded. The night that followed was terrible. The shot pelted on the walls like hail, and the Indians attempted to set the building on fire. The situation was critical, the ammunition was growing scant, and unless something was done to bring relief all would inevitably be killed or taken captive. The undertaking was extremely hazardous. To succeed required a man of great courage and endurance, with a sagacity sufficient to outmatch the foe. Few were fit for such a service, even if any could be found to serve. But the task was to fall upon some one, and the man selected was Ephraira Curtis. Again the bold adventurer set forth from the garrison, a lone soldier, to rely on his prowess and a protecting Providence to shield him on his course. Captain Wheeler in his official report states of the affair as follows : "I spake to Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that service, and to attempt it on foot as the way wherein was tlie most hope of getting away undiscovered. He readily assented, and accordingly went out; but there were so many Indians every where threatened, that he could not pass, without apparent hazard of life, so he came back again, but towards morning the said Ephraira adventured forth the 3d time, and was fain to creep on his hands and knees for some space of ground that he might not be discovered by the enem}^, but through God's mercy he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marlboro, though very much spent and ready to faint by reason of want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore travel night and day in that hot season till he got thither." On arriving at Marlboro he met Major Simon Willard and Capt. James Parker of Groton, with forty-six men, who were there to scout between Marlboro, Lancaster, and Groton. These, on receiving intelligence of affairs at Brookfield, hastened at once with relief. They arrived August 7, just in season to rescue the survivors. Al'ter this narration, it is unnecessary to speak of the bravery of this Sudbury scout, or the value of his services to the country. It was a forlorn hope upon which he went forth, and none better than he knew the haz

[[ed!!!TODO]]

ardous nature of his task, or the sad consequences of capture. Many weary miles of travel lay between him and the seaboard settlements, but, tired and faint, he sped on his way till he had faithfully discharged his trust, and sent the rescuers to his beleaguered comrades.

But the time was near when Sudbury was to need all her resources for the defense of her own territory. The foe that hitherto largely operated in the county of Plymouth was soon to invade that of Middlesex, and make Sudbury the scene of most important events. The first approach of the Indians to the town and its vicinity with hostile intent was, we judge, in small bands, which ranged the forest in an independent way, or which acted as detachments to spy out the land. These scouting parties alarmed the inhabitants, who sent messages to the colonial authorities, with a statement of facts and request for relief. The indications are that the colonial authorities did not anticipate that great peril was so near. After the defeat of the Narragansetts in the swamp fight, it was supposed that the Indians were in a crippled condition, and that the devastating effect of that fight would tend to discourage and keep them in check. To so great an extent was a sense of security felt by the authorities, that in some cases soldiers were dismissed from the garrison-houses. Captain Brocklebank, who was stationed at Marlboro, asked to be dismissed from that place, stating that he had little to do. But the weakness of the enemy was evidentl}' overestimated ; and it was not long before the frontier towns were made aware that a formidable foe was near. Feb. 23, 1675, Hugh Clark stated to the Council, that he " being the last week upon the scout with Capt. Gibbs, about Lancaster, Concord and Sudbury, found several houses deserted, having corn in them, and cattle about them, belonging to the late inhabitants thereof, who for fear left their habitations." He states that they found at least about sixty bushels of corn in one house. And he assured the Council that " it would be of advantage to the Indians and straighten the English unless something is done to prevent it."

The Rev. Edmund Brown, who, as we have before noticed, fortified his house, sent information to the authorities by Ensign Grout about the presence of a lurking enemy in Sudbur}^ He snys: '• It is reported that our woods are pestered with Indians. One Adams within our bounds was sliot at by a lurking Indian or more. He was shot through the coat and shirt near to the arm pit. One Smith walking the woods was assailed by 3 or 4 Indians, whom he discovered swooping down a hill toward him, but Smith saved himself by his legs. One Josej)h Freeman coming up about 4 mile Brook discovered two Indians, one in the path presenting his gun at him in the way (in a bright moonlight night), but Freeman dismounting shot at him, and mounting rode for it. One Joseph [Shaley] coming home from Marlboro on Thursday last discovered Indians in our bounds, one of which made a shot at him, the bullet passing bj^ him, but being mounted and riding for it he escaped. One Joseph Curtis, son to Ephraim Curtis on Saturday last heard 3 volleys of shot made by Indians between us and Weston. This being to long. Ensign Grout can give a full narrative to your Honor and Council!. The consideration of all which I hope will excite you : : : to order that these woods may be scoured and that our town of Sudbur}^ a frontier town may be enabled to contribute aid tlierein and defend itself with its quantity of men, I humbly move. And this I shall [present] unto the Honorable Council! that we may not have men pressed out of our small town." Date, "• Sudi)ury 20'*' T'*" mo." In another letter dated '^ Sudbury 7"^ of 12"^ mo. 75," Mr. Brown refers to a late order of the authorities dismissing garrison soldiers, and requests that John Gleason, who had been impressed but returned in safety, might be at his disposal. He also speaks of Zenias Parmenter, whom they " w.ere pleased to free from impress." He objected to having his guard dismissed, on any general order for the dismissal of garrisons, since he maintained it at his own expense.

Thus, towards the close of 1675, Sudbury and its vicinity felt a sense of insecurity, because of a lurking foe. The indications are, tliat before the Indians made an advance in great force they came in small detachments or bands, doing occasional mischief, and keeping the inhaljitants in a state of suspense. No one was safe who went abroad unarmed ; and those living in the more exposed k)calitie8 had even abandoned their homes. In the instance related by Hugh Clark, the flight was precipitous, the corn being left in the crib. But it was not long after these evidences of a mere scattered foe before there were indications that the town was to suffer a more general attack by a considerably increased force. In the towns beyond its western border more or less havoc had already been made, and one after another of them had already succumbed. Feb. 10, 1675, Lancaster suffered by the loss of fifty killed or taken captive ; and the same month a requisition was made upon Concord and Sudbury requiring them "forthwith to impress 8 carts in each town for the bringing down of goods of such persons of Lancaster as being bereaved by the late hand of God are disabled from continuing there." By March 13, Groton was made desolate, and forty dwellings were burned; and Marlboro alone remained between Sudbury and the vast wilderness that sheltered the foe. The first blow that fell on the town, that lias been noted by historians of that da}', was on the 10th of March, 1676. Saj's Mather, " Mischief was done, and several lives were cut off by the Indians. An humbling Providence, inasmuch as many churches were this day fasting and praying." This attack on the town was evidently sufficient to put the people more on their guard, and the better prepared them to meet the great force which was to assail them in the following month. It was about three days before this attack of March 10 that Rev. Edmund Brown's letter was dated, in which he writes to the authorities, and mentions the " eminent danger yet remaining over our heads which occasions divers of our towns to make address for some grant and with good success." Eleven days after this attack, " at the motion and request of Ensign Grout of Sudbury, on behalf of Lieut. Ephraim Curtis, it was ordered that the said Curtis, together with any other volunteers which shall join with him, shall march under his command into the woods, and endeavor to surprise, kill, or destroy, any of the Indians our enemies : : : and he may expect such encouragement as the late order of the General Court directs." THE NEAR APPROACH OF THE INDIANS, THEIR REPULSE, AND THE DEATH OF NETUS.

While the prospect was thus threatening, the design of the Indians for a season was effectually staj^ed, and a disastrous invasion prevented, by a bold move made by the inhabitants of the town. The event referred to occurred March 27, 1676. A force of savages, near three hundred in number, were within about a half mile of Sudbury's western boundary. The force was led by Netus, the Nipmuc captain. (See Chapter II.) This band was intent on mischief. It was on the trail for prey. Flushed with the expectation of easy victory, they waited the dawn of day to begin their foul work, and seize such persons and spoil as were found outside the garrisons. On Sabbath night they made their encampment within half a mile of a garrison. Their mischievous course through the previous day had been so little opposed that they felt secure as if in a world of peace. But the English were on their track.

Intelligence of their presence at Marlboro had reached Sudbury, and a movement was made to oppose them. A score of bold citizens set forth for the beleaguered place. On their arrival at Marlboro they were reinforced by twenty soldiers, who were taken from the garrisons, and the two forces went in search of the enemy. Before daybreak they discovered them asleep about their fires. The English, in night's stillness, crept close upon the camp. Wrapped in slumber, and unsuspicious of what was so near, the Indians were suddenly startled by a destructive volley from an unexpected foe. The English took them by complete surprise. So effectually had they directed their fire that the Indians speedily fled. About thirty of their number were wounded, of whom it is said fourteen afterwards died. Not onl}' were the Indians numerically weakened, but demoralized somewhat by such a bold and unlooked-for assault. Probably this act saved Sudbury for a time. Netus was slain, and for near a month there was a cessation of hostilities within and about the town.

As the importance of this event is considerable, and the evidence is quite clear concerning it, we will present the narrative as given by several authorities. Says Mather: " March 27''' some of the inhabitants of Sudlniry being 3,larmed by what the Indians did yesterday to their neighbors in Malbury, apprehending that they might come upon the enemy unawares, in case they should march after them in the night time, they resolved to try what might be done, and that, not altogether without success, for toward the morning whilst it was yet dark, they discovered where the Indians lay by their fires. And such was their boldness, as that about 300 of them lay all night within half a mile of one of the garrison houses, in that town where they had done so much mischief the day before. Albeit the darkness was such as an English man could not be distinguished from an Indian ; yet ours being 40 in number discharged several times upon them, and (as Indians taken at that time do confess) God so disposed of the bullets that were shot at that time, that no less than thirty Indians were wounded, of whom there were 14 that died, several of which had been perpetrators in the late bloody tragedies. They fii'ed hard upon the English, but neither killed nor wounded so much as one man in the skirmish."

Captain Brocklebank, garrison commander at Marlboro, states thus in his report to the colonial authorities : " Sabbath day night there came about 20 men from Sudbury, and we out of the several garrisons drew 20 more, and in the night time they went out to see if they could discover the enemy and give them some check." He states, that " they found them by their fires, and fired on them, and they ran away ; but their number being few, and not knowing the number of the enemy, but apprehending by their noise and firing at them that the force of the enemy was considerable, they returned home without the loss of any men or wounds from the enemy, and only one man had his hand shattered by the breaking of a gun."

Thus straightforward and plain are these authorities in their description of this nightly encounter. No better evidence could be desired than Captain Brocklebank's letter. From these narratives we are informed that the people of Sudbury formed this bold j^roject ; that a score of her brave citizens went forth to stay the course of the Indian invaders ; that they went bej^ond the limits of Sudbury into a neighboring town that had already been attacked by the foe ; and that, upon receiving aid from a government official in command of the garrison, they made this successful assault. There is no evidence that when they started they had any assurance that reinforcements would be afforded them. They knew the enemy were in force at Marlboro, and courageously marched to check their advance. Whether the reinforcements that they received at Marlboro were citizens of that town, or some of the soldiers who were sent there by the government, we are not informed. We know that Captain Brocklebank was a government commander, and that a part of the Marlboro garrison were government men, some of whom subsequently accompanied Captain Brocklebank to the Sudbury fight.

That Sudbury people in tliis affair acted not simply in their own defense is implied in "The Old Petition," in which it is stated that " the Indians in their disastrous invasions were resolved by our mine to revenge y^ reliefe which our Sudbury volunteers approached to distressed Marlborough, in slaying many of y^ enemy & repelling y^ rest."

CHAPTER XII.                 page 217

1675-1700.

Philip's War. Indian Invasion; Date. Number of the Enemy. Philip's Preparation. Indian Powwow. Movements of the English. General Attack on the Town. Assault on the Haynes Garrison. Hostilities on the East Side. Resistance of the English. Arrival of Reinforcements ; Concord Company, Watertown Company. — The Indians Driven Over the Causeway and Bridge. Attempt to Reinforce Captain Wadsworth. Description Given in " The Old Petition."

Up the hillside, down the glen. Rouse the sleeping citizen; Summon out the might of men! It is coming, it is nigh I Stand 3'our homes and altars by ; On your own free thresholds die.

Whittier.

Having noticed the course of hostilities in and about Sudbury b}" scattered detachments and skulking squads of Indians, we will now consider a more prominent event of the war, namelj^, the attack upon the town by King Philip^ with one of the most formidable forces that he ever led along the New England frontier. We have found no evidence that, up to April, 1676, Philip himself ever visited the place ; but in the final assault the great chieftain directed his warriors in person. At the time of the invasion there was nothing west of Sudbury to obstruct his course. The last town was Marlboro, and this was devastated as by a close gleaner in the great field of war. The people had almost wholly abandoned the place ; the dwellings were reduced to ash-heaps, and a few soldiers only were quartered there to guard the road to Brookfield and the Connecticut. Sudbury at this time was the objective point of King Philip. That

217 he had a special purpose in assailing tlie place, other than what led him to conduct the war elsewhere, is implied in "• The Old Petition,'" in the words before quoted, where the object of revenge is mentioned. Certain it is, he had a strong force, and fought hard and long to destroy the place.

DATE OF Philip's attack on the town.

Before entering, however, on the details of the conflict, we will notice the time at which it occurred. Previous to the discovery of "The Old Petition," two dates had been assigned, namely, the 18th and the 21st of April. Various authorities were quoted in support of each. So important was the matter considered, that a committee was appointed to examine evidence on the subject. The committee reported in favor of the 21st. (Report of Kidder and Underwood.) Notwithstanding this decision, opinions still differed ; but the discovery of " The Old Petition " has fully settled this matter, and established beyond question that the date of Philip's attack on the town and the garrisons, and the " Sudbury Fight," was the 21st. We can understand how, before the discovery of this paper, opinions might vary; how an historian miglit mistake as to a date, and a monument might perpetuate the error. When President Wads worth erected a slate-stone at the grave of Captain Wadsworth, the date inscribed might have been taken from the historian Hubbard, who might have received it from an unreliable source. But we can liardly suppose that a mistake could occur in the paper above referred to concerning the date of this event. This paper is a calm, deliberate document, signed by inhabitants of Sudbury, and sent to the Colonial Court less than six months after the invasion by PJiilip. It gives the date of the invasion in the following words: "An Account of Losse Sustained by Severall Inhabitants of y^ towne of Sudbury by ye Indian Enemy 21^' April 1676."

NUMBER OP THE ENEMY.

Philip arrived with his force at Marlboro on or about the 18th of April, and soon started for Sudbury. The number of his warriors has been variously estimated. In the " Old Indian Chronicle " it is given as " abont a thousand strong." Gookin states, in his history of the Christian Indians, " that upon the 21^' of April about mid-day tidings came by many messengers that a great body of the enem}^ not less as was judged than fifteen hundred, for the enemy to make their force seem very large there were many women among them whom they had fitted with pieces of wood cut in the forms of guns, which these carried, and were placed in the centre, they had assaulted a place called Sudbury that morning, and set fire of sundry houses and barns of that town . . . giving an account that the people of the place were greatly distressed and earnestly desired succor."

Besides Gookin's statement as to the presence of squaws in the company, we have the authority of Mrs. Rowlandson, who mentions an Indian that went to the Sudbury fight accompanied by his squaw with her pappoose upon her back. Mrs. Rowlandson was the wife of Rev. Mr. Rowlandson of Lancaster, and was made captive in the attack on that town. She went with Philip to Sudbury, and became a witness to some of the sad scenes there, which were published in a book entitled " Mrs. Rowlandson's Removes."

Other evidence of the size of Pliilip's force is found in the " Old Petition," which says, " Let ye Most High have ye high praise due unto him, but let not ye unworthy Instruments be forgotten. Was there with vs any towne so beset since ye ware begun, with twelve or fourteen hundred fighting men, warriors, sagamores, from all Parts with their men of Arms ? "

THE PREPARATION.

Before the Indians went to Sudbury they made careful preparation. Says Mrs. Rowlandson, " They got a company together to pow-wow." The manner as she describes it is as follows :

There was one that kneeled upon a deer skin with a company round him in a ring, who kneeled striking upon the ground with their hands and with sticks, and muttering or humming with their mouths. Beside him who kneeled in the ring there also stood one with a gun in his hand. Then he on the deer skin made a speech, and all manifest an assent to it, and so they did many times together. Then they bid him with a gun, go out of the ring, which he did, but when he was out they called him in again, but he seemed to make a stand. Then they called the more earnestly till he turned again. Then they all sang. Then they gave him two guns, in each hand one, and so he on the deer skin began again, and at the end of every sentence in his speaking they all assented, and humming or muttering with their mouths, and striking upon the ground with their hands. Then they bid him with the two guns go out of the ring again, which he did a little way. Then they called him again, but he made a stand. So they called him with greater earnestness. But he stood reeling and wavering as if he knew not whether he should stand or fall, or which way to go. Then they called him with exceeding great vehemence, all of them, one and another. After a little while he turned in, staggering as he went, with his arnis stretched out, in each hand a gun. As soon as he came in they all sang, and rejoiced exceeding awhile, and then he upon the deer skin made another speech, unto which they all assented in a rejoicing manner, and so they ended their business and forthwith went to Sudbury fight.

The foregoing statements plainly show that a large force was being led to Sudbury. The great chieftain doubtless felt sure of his prey. Mrs. Rowlandson sajs, " To my thinking they went without any scruple but that they should prosper and gain the victory." Philip was not aware of the strong reinforcements which were to be sent to tlie town's relief. The tramp of Wadswortli and his company had not as yet reached his ears. For aught he kncAv, the forest resounded with only the tramp of his own stalwart men.

But, while the Indians were preparing for the attack, the English Avere by no means idle. Things were fast being put in readiness to meet the worst. The blow received was to be returned, and the spoils of conquest were to be dearly obtained. Notwithstanding the customary cunning of the Indians, and their usual sly way, the attack in this instance was not an entire surprise. Their coming was announced by several acts of liostility on the day previous to the general assault. According to tradition, tliey began their marauding by burning several houses and killing several inhabitants. Among the slain were a Mr. Boone and son, and Mr. Thomas Plympton, who was endeavoring to conduct them, with some of their goods, to a place of safety. This skirmishing on the outskirts put the people on their guard, and warned them to flee for their lives. It showed the hostile intent of the enemy, and the necessity of making haste if they would escape capture or death. Adequately to describe the state of affairs in Sudbury on the eve of this Indian invasion would be a difficult task. We may, however, conjecture tliat the scene was a thrilling one, and that it was a time of uncertainty and anxious suspense to the inhabitants. What had come upon others was about to come upon them. The dismal intelligence of disaster to far-off settlements was to be made more vivid by the same dread foe in their midst. It was their dwellings that were soon to be ash-heaps, their herds that were to be spoils of war, their fields that were to suffer invasion. The wild omens were to bring presaged wrath to tJieir doors; and the warm homes once smiling with comfort were to be forsaken and left to the foe. With but a partial realization of what was to come, we may conclude that Sudbury was never before or since so astir. There were men struggling for life ; families hurrying together to the shelter of garrisons, with whatever of household goods they could snatch; loving ones bearing the feeble and sick in their arms, and all rushing to a place of safet3\ From hither and yon flocked the company. Again and again the latchstring was flung loose from the garrison, as one by one new arrivals came in. None knew when they abandoned their homes that they would see them again, nor that they themselves would ever reach a safe place. The Indian invader was hard by their track. He might spring any moment upon them. Each object might be his place of concealment. He lurked by the woody wayside, he crept along the margin of the open lands ; and on the outskirt of the woodland he peered to get a sight at some late refugee whom he might bear away as his prey.

Within the garrisons the scenes were also, doubtless, of a stirring character. These places were soon to be isolated. Communication with them was to be cut off. They were to be surrounded by a fierce horde of beleaguering savages ; and before help could arrive the doors might be battered by tomahawks, or the torch be applied to the wall. Anxiously might those who had entered these places watch and await coming events ; eagerly may they have looked to catch a glimpse of their belated tovi^nsmen who miglit be coming from the more exposed outskirts, or who, like the brave Thomas Plympton, had gone forth to bring to the garrison the dwellers on lonely homesteads. The sound of firing over the distant woodlands ; the smoke rising in clouds upon the far-off horizon ; occasional new arrivals from different localities, bringing evidence of the near approach of the Indians, all these would present a scene of a startling character ; and as the night shadows of April 20 crept about the lonely garrisons, those within had no assurance but that it was as the darkness of the shadow of death.

But, though the scene was thrilling and one of anxious suspense, it was nevertheless one of courage and hope. From what we know of the character of the Sudbury inhabitants, and of their conduct when the attack was begun, we conclude that in those hours of ingathering there were hearts full of determination, and that plans were laid for a successful defense. Doubtless the ammunition was carefuUv looked to and put in a convenient place, the flints scraped, the priming-wire used, and every aperture in the garrison walls closed and secured, except such as were left to fire from.

Beside the regular force of the town's militia who were to assist in defense of the garrisons, it is supposed some militia were present from other places. Some men from the force of Captain Brocklebank, the garrison commander at Marlboro, are supposed to have been there. Of twelve soldiers who went from Rowley, and did service in Sudbury, seven returned to their homes ; and it is hardly supposable that so many should have escaped if in the Wadsworth fight. We presume, therefore, with the historian of Rowley, that they helped man these garrisons.

THE ATTACK.

During the night of the 20th of April, Philip advanced his forces, and took positions for the coming day. The Indians possessed such a knowledge of the country as enabled him to do this to advantage. Every path through the woodland had been trod by the moccasined foot ; every log crossing or rude bridge, from the Connecticut to the river at Sudbury, were on old and well-worn trails. Among the invaders were some who had lived thereabouts for years, or had ranged tlie forest for game, or frequented the Musquetahquid (Sudbury River) for fish. From these Philip miglit obtain information of the country, and thus be enabled to lay his plans. This doubtless was what he did. Probably every homestead, however humble, was noted ; every highway guarded, and every wood-path carefully watched. No lone haystack in secluded meadow nook, no rude shelter for cattle, no rough shed for the sheep, escaped the vigilance of his roving marauders as in night's stillness they ranged through the town. As they reconnoitred about the garrisons, they doubtless noticed each object from which they could direct their fire, and each way of approach and retreat.

Of the movements of the Indians the English probably knew but little as the night wore on. The soft tread of the moccasin, as the dusky squad stole silently about these strongholds, was too gentle for even the ears of such anxious listeners in the ominous stillness of that solitude. Even the slow-moving bush which may have hidden from view some adventurous savage, as he approached a little nearer to reconnoitre the place and discover its weak or strong points, though it aroused suspicion of a lurking foe, yet revealed nothing of his number or strength, nor of the squad in concealment near by, who awaited the whispered report of their comrade. No night-fires lit the heavens with their lurid glow, disclosing the foe's intent. His dark encampment was doubtless within the dense pines, where he lay on his evergreen couch until called forth by the signal of daybreak. The stillness of nature and of man were both there. It was the calm that foreboded a storm which was to burst upon man and his dwelling, the herd and its stall.

But the silence soon broke. With the morning the mj-stery cleared. It was early discovered b}^ the inhabitants that during the night-time the Indians had gotten possession of everything in the west part of the town but the garrisons, and that they had become so scattered about in squads, and had so occupied various localities, that at a given signal they could strike a concerted lilow. Says the " Old Indian Chronicle,'" "The houses were built ver}' scatteringly, and the enemy divided themselves into small parties, which executed their design of firing at once." The smoke of dwellings curled upward on the morning air, the warwhoop rang out from the forest, and from the town's westerly limit to the Watertown boundary the destructive work was begun. It is said by tradition that the Indians even entered the Watertown territory, and set fire to a barn in what is now Weston.

About the time of firing the deserted houses, the Indians made their attack on the garrisons. The detachments for this work were probably as specifically set apart as were those for burning the dwelling-places ; and doubtless hours before daybreak the foe la}^ concealed in their picked places ready to pour their shot on the wall. The attack on the TIaynes house was of great severity. The position of the building favored the near and concealed approach of the enemy. The small hill at the north afforded a natural rampart from which to direct his fire ; behind it he could skulk to close range of the house, and drive his shot witli terrible force on the walls. There is a tradition, that, by means of this hill, the Indians tried to set the building on fire. They filled a cart with flax, ignited, and started it down the hill towards the house ; but before it reached its destination it upset, and the building was saved. Tradition also states that near the house was a barn, which the Indians burned ; but that this proved advantageous to the inmates of the garrison, as it had afforded a shelter for the Indians to fire from. Probably this barn was burned with the expectation of setting fire to the house.

But it was not long that the Indians were to fight at close range. The bold defenders soon sallied forth, and commenced aggressive warfare. They fell on the foe, forced them back, and drove them from their " skulking approaclies." Could Philip have spared reinforcements at this critical time, he doubtless would have readih' done so, rather than suffered defeat at this garrison. But his main force was lying in wait at Green Hill for Captain Wadsworth, other detachments were plundering on the east side.

THE HAYNES GARRISON HOUSE. From original painting by A. S. Hudson. and some were besieging other garrisons. The force needed at different localities prevented a concentration at any one point. Thus the day was won at the Haynes house. In the skirmish the Indians suffered considerably, while the English lost but two, and that through their own indiscretion.

While the conflict was going on, the inmates of the garrison showed stout hearts and commendable coolness and courage ; even the women manifested but little, if any, timidity. Perhaps they served in opening and closing the apertures to the garrison, when the musket was thrust out and withdrawn ; they may have swabbed the foul guns, wiped the priming-pan, and scraped the flints ; they may have stood, powder-horn in hand, with the powder all poured for the charge, and the tow wadding all torn for the ramrod's ready work. Such was the work at the old Haynes Garrison, the noble work of a noble company.

The service at the other garrisons was probably all that was needed. That none of these houses were captured is enough to indicate a stout and manly defense. They were all coveted objects of the enemy, and plans for the capture of each had been carefully laid. That all the garrisons did both defensive and aggressive work is shown by "The Old Petition," which says, " Our Garrison men kept not within their Garrisons, but issued forth to fight y^ Enemy within their skulking approaches." Thus manly was the defense of the garrisons during the long morning hours of that eventful day. From the dawning till noon the clouds gathered and broke over those frail, scattered fortresses. All about them was confusion and turmoil ; in various directions the dense smoke-cloud drooped its dismal drapery over smouldering homesteads ; and on the ears of the beleaguered inhabitants frequently broke the wild yell of the foe. But still they fought on, with none near to assist them. No drum-beat announced the approach of reinforcements. They might not have known that relief parties had started. The tramp of Wadsworth and his company, as they passed through to Marlboro the preceding night, might have been mistaken for the tramp of the foe ; and nothing, for aught they knew, awaited the garrisons but to win the victory alone.

HOSTILITIES ON THE EAST SIDE.

While the conflibt was raging around the garrisons on the west side, there was by no means inactivity on the east side. The condition of things was critical there also ; the circumstances in the two places, however, were different. The east side was so protected by the high water, which at that time covered the meadows, that the savages would naturally be more cautious in their mode of attack ; with a crossing only at the town bridge and causeway, it would be unsafe to scatter their forces very much, or to venture far from the place of retreat ; nevertheless they invaded the territory, and commenced their mischievous work by plundering dwelling-houses. They doubtless intended to take what spoils they could carry away, and then burn the place ; but they were effectuall}^ checked in their work. The inhabitants fell upon them with fury. They beat them from the very thresholds of their humble homes, and snatched the spoil from their savage clutch; they even forced them to retreat on the run, and seek safety in precipitous flight.

During the progress of the conflict the women and children were probably at the stockade of Rev. Edmund Brown, at Timber Neck. This stockade was suflicient to shelter all in that neighborhood. It was admirably situated as a place of defense : being at the junction of Mill Brook and the river, at high water it had but two sides of attack, and the Indians could only reach it by a circuitous course. From these circumstances it is hardly probable that it would require many soldiers to man this stockade ; hence more could be spared to defend their homes. But all that could be spared made a very small company at best.

The entire defensive force of the town being but about eighty militia men, with a few added who had come from outside, we may conclude that the fighting was largely done by a few. Says "The Old Petition," "-The enemy was by few beaten out of houses which they had entered and by a few hands were forced to a running fight which way they could, y^ spoil taken by them on y^ East side of y'^ river was in great par'^ recovered." This gives an outline of the facts, which, like the rest of " The Petition," suggest various possible and probable details of the conflict ; and the conjecture is by no means extravagant, that those morning hours on both sides of the river witnessed scenes of daring by those brave little companies unsurpassed in the annals of King Philip's War.

Before leaving this part of the subject, we will quote from " The Old Petition," which to an extent has furnished the facts from which the foregiven description has been taken : " The Enem}" well knowing Our grounds, passes, avenues, and situations, had near surrounded Our town ni y^ morning early (Wee not knowing of it) till discovered by fireing severall disserted houses ; the Enemy with greate force & fury assaulted Deacon Haines' Jiouse well fortified ye^ badly scituated as advantagous to y'^ Enemy's approach & dangerous to y^ Repellant yet (by y^ help of God) y^ Garrison not onely defended y^ place fro betweene five or six of y*^ clock in y^ Morning, till about One in y"^ Afternoon but forced y^ Enemy with considerable slaughter to draw off. Many Observables worthy of Record hapened in this assault, vizt : that noe man or woman seemed to be possessed with feare ; Our Garrisonmen kept not within their Garrisons, but issued forth to fight y^ Enemy in their sculking approaches : We had but two of Our townes men slaine, & y* by indiscretion none wounded."

ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS.

While the town's inhabitants were defending the garrisons, and at the same tinle endeavoring to prevent the savages from further plundering their dwellings and making off with the spoils, reinforcements were approacliing the town from several directions. Among the principles of action proposed by the authorities at the beginning of the war M^as, that one town should assist another with what men it could spare, on the giving of a general alarm ; so it was in the case before us. Intelligence of the enemy in the neighborhood of Sudbury spread rapidly to surrounding places, and men hastened from Concord and Watertown, and were sent by the colonial authorities from the vicinity of Boston. As each of these three reinforcements had a history of its own, we will describe them separately.

THE CONCORD COMPANY.

This consisted of " twelve resolute young men," who endeavored to render assistance in the neighborhood of the Haynes Garrison-house. Before they had reached it, however, and formed a junction with the citizens of the town, they met with a melancholy fate in the neighboring meadow. The account of the affair is thus given by Mr. Shattuck in the Concord liistory, which account, he states, is preserved by tradition : "Arriving near the garrison-house of Walter Haynes, they observed several squaws, who, as they drew near, danced, shouted, powwowed, and used every method to amuse and decoy them. Eleven of the English pursued and attacked them, but found themselves, too late, in an ambuscade, from which a large number of Indians rushed upon and attacked them with great fury. Notwithstanding they made a bold resistance, it was desperate, and ten of them were slain. The other escaped to the garrison, where the neighboring inhabitants had fled for security, which was bravely defended."

Of those who were killed at this time belonging to Concord, Shattuck's history gives the following names : James Hosmer, Samuel Potter, John Barnes, Daniel Corny, and Joseph Buttrick. The Middlesex Probate Records have the following concerning James Hosmer, in connection with the settlement of his estate : " being slayne in the engagement with the Indians at Sudbury on the 21st of the second month [April] in the year 1G76." In the Middlesex County Probate Records are also the following names of soldiers slain in Sudbury, April 21: David Curry and Josiah Wheeler of Concord, and William Haywood of Sudbury. Says the Old Indian Chronicle: "They were waylaid and eleven of them cut off." Says Hubbard of this affair: "These men at the first hearing of the alarm, who unawares were surprised near a garrison-house, in hope of getting some advantage upon a small party of the enemy that presented themselves in a meadow. A great number of the Indians, who lay unseen in the bushes, suddenly rose up and intercepting the passage to the garrison-house, killed and took them all."

The men thus slain on the meadow were left where they fell until the following day, when the bodies were brought in boats to the foot of the old town bridge and buried. Two of the parties who helped perform the work of burial were Warren and Pierce of the Watertown compan3\ The following is their description of the scene, as given in a petition to the General Court : " On the next day in the morning, so soon as it was light, we went to look for the Concord men who were slain in the River meadow, and there we went in water up to our knees, where we found five, and we brought them in canoes and buried them there." The sj^ot mentioned here as the burial place is, we conjecture, on the northerly side of the town bridge, on the eastern bank of the river. This supposition is based on the fact that it was high water on the meadow at that time, and hence this place was probably the only one suitable for burial. A monument to this brave relief company would be very appropriate, and serve to mark a locality which on that day was full of stirring events.

THE WATERTOWN COMPANY.

The reinforcements from Watertown were more fortunate than those from Concord, and were spared to assist in saving the town. This company was under the command of Capt. Hugh Mason, a bold and gallant commander. Captain Mason was of a committee of four appointed March 15 to provide for the defence of the frontier towns of Middlesex county. At the head of forty Watertown men he had marched previously to the relief of Groton. He was now prompt to meet the foe at Sudbury, and, although seventy-five years old, he came in a timely manner.

These reinforcements probably arrived some time before noon. As the attack began about daybreak, and took the inhabitants of Sudbury somewhat by surprise, it is hardly probable that the news would reach Watertown until the morning was well advanced. Watertown was the border town on the east. The part now Weston was called the "Farmers' Precinct." At this locality the sound of guns could without doubt be heard, and the smoke rising over the Avoods in dark ominous clouds might bespeak what was befalling the neighborhood. Moreover, the intelligence may have reached Watertown by couriers, who carried it to Boston, arriving there about midday.

When Captain Mason reached Sudbury, about two hundred Indians were on the east side the river engaged in mischievous work. The little company of town's people who could be spared from the stockade was too small to drive them back over the river. The best they could do was to keep them from too close range of their little stronghold, and save a part of their property and dwellings. But when these reinforcements arrived, the united forces compelled the foe to make a general retreat. Whereas, before the arrival of reinforcements, the Indians, as stated in " The Old Petition," "• were by few beaten out of houses which they had entered and were plundering, and by a few hands were forced to a running fight," they were now driven beyond the causeway and bridge.

The contest that preceded this retreat of the savages was doubtless severe. Two hundred Indians were a force sufficient to offer stubborn resistance. They were near a large force held in reserve by King Philip on the west side of the river, and might at any time receive reinforcement from him; and if they could hold the causeway and bridge, the day might be won. On the other hand, the English had a vast deal at stake ; if the foe was forced over the stream, the east side would for a time be safe. They could defend the narrow causeway and bridge, while the high water would protect their flanks. _ Such were the circumstances that would cause each to make a hard fight. But the English prevailed. The foe was forced back, and the bridge and causeway were held, so that they could not repass them.

But the English did not stop with this victory ; though the day was won here, the contest still waged on the west side. From beyond Green Hill, about two miles westerly, came the sound of combat ; and they knew that Cajotain Wadsworth and his company, who passed through Watertown on their way to Marlboro, were engaged in stern conflict. The scent of battle as it came borne on the April breeze, the dull sound of the distant firing, and the outlying detachments sent to keep reinforcements away, indicated that the contest at tlie hill was hot. But, undaunted, the English puslied forward. Beyond the bridge and the causeway, up the slope of the hill, perhaps by the Old Lancaster Road, they moved on to the woi'k of rescue ; but they failed in the accomplishment of their object. The Indians were too many for that small company. Notwithstanding their courage, they had but limited strength. The Indians endeavored to surround them, and being forced to retreat they sought refuge in the Goodnow Garrison. There they remained until nightfall, when they again sallied forth ; but this time it was not to meet the enemy. The conflict was over. The disastrous day was done. Night covered as with a friendly mantle the terrible scene ; its shadows were unbroken by the flash of guns, and its stillness undisturbed by the rude sounds of war. The foe had retired, their victims lay dead where they fell, and a "few surviving comrades" were all they could bear with them to the east side settlement.

Thus noble was the work of that company ; and the peril attendant upon the undertaking is indicative of the courage with which they entered upon it. Major Gookin, in his "History of the Christian Indians," states concerning this affair as follows : " Upon April 21, about midday, tidings came by many messengers that a great body of the enemy had assaulted a town called Sudbury that morning. Indeed (through God's favor) some small assistance was already sent from Watertown by Capt. Hugh Mason. These with some of the inhabitants joined and with some others that come in to their help, there was vigorous resistance made, and a check given to the enemy, so that those that were gotten over the river were forced to retreat, and the body of the enemy were repulsed, that they could not pass the bridge, which pass the English kept."

Says Warren and Pierce, who were of the Watertown company: "But\yewho were with them can more largely inform this Honored Council, that as it is said in the petition that we drove two hundred Indians over the river, we followed the enemy over the river . . . and with some others joined and went to see if we could relieve Capt. Wads worth upon the hill, and there we had a fight with the Indians, but they being so man}^ of them, and we stayed so long, that we were almost encompassed by them, which caused us to retreat to Capt. Goodnow's Garrison, and there we stayed it being near night till it was dark."

We have found no list of Watertown soldiers with the express statement that they served at Sudbury, but we give the following names of men who were impressed from that town in November, 1675, for the defense of the colony, and who were returned by Captain Mason as " rationally most fit to goe upon the servis " : " Daniell Warrin, Sr., John Bigulah, Sr., Nathaniel Hely, Joseph Tayntor, John Whitney, Sr.. George Harrington, William Hagar, Jr., Johu Parkhurst, Michael Flagg, Jacob Bullard, Isaac Learned, Joseph Waight, George Dill, William Pierce, Nathaniel Sangar, Moses Whitney, John Windam, Joseph Smith, Nathaniel Barsham, John Barnard."

CHAPTER XIII.                 page 233

1675-1700.

Philip's War. The Sudbury Fight. Number of Men in Captain Wadsworth's Company : The Arrival at Marlboro ; The Return to Sudbury. The Ambuscade: Place of It. Philip's Plan of Attack. Number of Indians. The Battle. The Forest Fire. Retreat of the English. Refuge in Hop Brook Mill. Number of the English Slain. Philip's Loss. Treatment of Captives. Rescue of the Survivors. Burial of the Dead. Place of Burial. Biographical Sketches: Captain Wadsworth, Captain Brocklebank. Roxbury Men. Concord Men. Marlboro Men. The Christian Indians. Movements of the English after the Battle. Sudbury's Loss.

Fast on the soldier's path

Darken the waves of vv^rath ; Long have they gather'd, and loud shall they fall ;

Red glares the musket's flash,

Sharp rings the rifle's crash, Blazing and clanging from thicket and wall.

O. W. Holmes.

When the intelligence reached Boston that the Indians had invaded Marlboro, the Council sent to its relief a company of soldiers under command of Capt. Samuel Wadsworth of Milton. The number in this company has been variously estimated. Mather sets it at seventy ; " The Old Indian Chronicle " says, " Wadsworth being designed of a hundred men, to repair to Marlboro, to strengthen the garrison and remove the goods." Hubbard saj^s, " That resolute, stout hearted soldier, Capt. Wadsworth . . . being sent from Boston with fifty soldiers to relieve Marlboro." It is not remarkable that estimates should differ with regard to the number in this company, since all the men who accompanied Wadsworth from Boston M^ere not in the engagement at

233 Sudbury. When Captain Wadsworth reached Marlboro he exchanged a part of his j^ounger men, who were wearied with the march, for some at the garrison, and accompanied by Captain Brocklebank, the garrison commander, started back to Sudbur3\ Lieutenant Jacobs, who commanded the garrison in the absence of Brocklebank, in reporting to the authorities in regard to the number of men left with liim, states as follows: "There is remaining in our company fortysix, several whereof are young soldiers left here by Captain Wadsworth, being unable to march. Bnt though he left a part of his men he took some from the garrison at Marlboro." From what we know of the fate of a large part of this company, and the circumstances attendant upon the expedition, we conclude the number engaged in the Sudbury fight was not much over fifty. If twenty-nine men were found slain after the battle, and fourteen escaped, and about a half dozen were taken captive, the number would not be far from the foregoing estimate.

Captain Wadsworth arrived at Marlboro some time during the night of the 20th. Upon ascertaining that the Indians had gone in the direction of Sudbury, he did not stop to take needed refreshment, but started upon the enemy's trail. Hubbard says, "Understanding the enemy had gone through the woods towards Sudbury, this unwearied company, before even they had taken any considerable rest, marched immediately back towards Sudbury [East Sudbury], that lies ten miles nearer Boston." Says Gookin (" History of Christian Indians"), "He [Wadsworth] understanding that the enemy had attacked Sudbury, took a ply of his men, about six files, and marched for their relief, with whom Capt. Broklebank, who kept guard at Marlboro went. Taking this opportunity as a good convoy, to speak with the council. Capt. Wadsworth being a valient and active man and being very desirous to rescue his friends at Sudbury, marched in the night with all the speed he could." Says Lieutenant Jacobs, in his official letter, of Wadsworth's departure, " Although he had marched all the day and the night before, and his men much wearied, yet he hastened back again, and was accompanied by Capt. Broklebank, commander of the garrison of Marlboro with the small number he durst spare out of his garrison." (Date April 24, 1676. State Archives, Vol. LXVIIL, p. 227.)

The English encountered no Indians until they had gone some distance into Sudbury territory, when they came upon a small party, who fled at their approach. Captain Wads worth with his company pursued until they found themselves in an ambush, where the main body of Philip's force lay concealed.

THE BATTLE-FIELD.

Before considering the battle which followed, we will give some description of the place where it occurred. This place was at what is now South Sudbury, a little northeasterly of the village, and on the westerl}^ side of Green Hill. The ambush was probably laid near tlie foot of the hill, a few rods east of the place where Wadsworth was buried. At this point there was, until within a very few years, an old path through the woods (see map), which we conjecture once led from the Hop Brook Mill to the Old Lancaster Road, and may have been the way travelled to that mill, and to the westward of it, before the construction of the new road that was built in 1659. This road, in our recollection, extended to the edge of the cleared laud on the Joseph Richardson farm (present Newton place), but since the clearing up of the woods in tluit locality it has almost or quite disappeared. We conjecture that at or along this path the battle began. This we think is indicated by several circumstances.

First, it was verj^ near the spot where the slain soldiers were buried. The burial-place would naturally be not far from the greater number of the slain, or about midwa}^ of the battle-field, unless the nature of the ground was such as to make it inexpedient to dig the grave there. From the top of Green Hill to near the spot where the soldiers were buried is hard, rocky ground, while at the place of burial was easy digging; and, moreover, being of sandy soil, it may have been covered with but small, scanty shrubbery, and been a sunny spot in the woods quite suitable for the purpose. It is not therefore unlikely, if the main part or all of the slain were scattered from about the foot to the summit of the hill, that they were carried to that spot for interment.

Second, it was not far from the foot of the hill, which the English ascended as the battle advanced. The space fought over could not have been great, since every foot of it was hotly contested, and the engagement lasted but a few hours. The distance from the path at the foot of the hill to the summit, where the English made their stand, was about an eighth of a mile. Therefore we judge the battle began on or near the path.

But the one thing which more than any other may indicate the place of ambush was the probable plan of King Philip. This plan was to intercept Captain Wadsworth before he could reach the east side, or get into the neighborhood of the Goodnow or Haynes Garrisons. To do this, he Avould naturally allow the English to pass on to Marlboro during the night undisturbed, and then conceal his force to intercept him on his return. The wily chieftain knew that his return was only a matter of time, and he hastened to get his ambush in readiness for him. But, to have the plan a success, it was all-important to choose the spot where Wadsworth would be most likely to pass. To the westward of Hop Brook it might be hard to determine what way the English would take. But it was proba.ble they would so direct their course as to cross Hop Brook at the bridge, near Noyes' Mill (South Sudbury), since at that season of the year the stream might be swollen so as to make it difficult to pass it at any other place. At some point easterl}^ of the bridge, then, the ambush would naturally be laid.

But from Hop Brook to the east side, as before noticed, there were two ways: one, a part of the Old Lancaster Road north of Green Hill, connected v/ith Hop Brook Mill by the wood-path before mentioned; the other, the "new road," which went south of Green Hill. As it was uncertain which of these roads Wadsworth would take, Philip would naturally lay his ambuscade upon the path which we have conjectured connected these two highways (see map) ; so that if Wadsworth went by way of the Lancaster Road he would fall into the ambush, and if he went by the south road Philip

Map Of Sudbury 1676 A. S. Hudson

A. ROCKY PLAIN. (Sudbury Center.) B. NOYES'S MILL (So. Sudbury,) C. WIGWAM HILL (Goodman's Hill.) D. GREEN HILL. E. WADSWORTH BURIAL PLACE. F. HAYNES GARRISON HOUSE. G. EDMUND GOODNOW GARRiSON. H TOWN BRIDGE. I. FIRST MEETING HOUSE J. ROAD TO HOP BROOK MILL. Constructed 1659.

K. OLD LANCASTER ROAD, Constructed 1654. L. HOP BROOK. M. LANHAM BROOK. N. LOWANCE BROOK. O. OLD WOOD ROAD OR CART PATH. P. CAUSEWAY. Q. GRAVEL PIT. R. MARLBORO ROAO. S. SUPPOSED PART OF CART PATH.

The following statements from several well-known authorities favor the foregoing suppositions. Says " The Old Indian Chronicle," " When they arrived within a mile and a half of Sudbury, the enemy having hid themselves behind the hills, sent forth two or three to cross the march of our forces, and being seen to counterfeit themselves affrighted and fly, whereby to trepan our men into their ambuscade, which mischievous plan succeeded according their to wishes." Hubbard says, "Being come within a mile of the town, we espied a party of Indians not far from them, about a hundred, not more as they conceived. These they might easily deal v/ith, who turning back awliile drew Capt. Wadsworth and his company above a mile into the woods." Says Gookin, "Being spent and weary with travel and want of rest Capt. Wadsworth fell into the enemy's ambushment on the morning, and the enemy being numerous encompassed him round."

It is noticeable by these statements, that the distance that these men were decoyed is variously estimated at from a mile to a mile and a half. This does not exactly correspond with the distance between the supposed place of ambush and the aforesaid roads. But they may have been allured by a circuitous course, or the distance mentioned by these authors may have been a loose estimate. It would not be strange if authors should be somewhat inexact on a point like this. It was an unfamiliar locality to them. If they received information from survivors of the fight, the place also was strange to them, and they might think the distance over which they were led by decoy to be greater than it in realitj^ was ; and as in the case of the date of the fight, one historian might transmit another's mistake. If our conjectures, then, are correct, we think these soldiers were allured from some point on the road from Hop Brook to East Sudbury to a spot near the place of their burial.

THE AMBUSCADE.

The force that lay in ambush is supposed to have been quite strong. Gookin speaks of "the enemy being numerous." " The Old Indian Chronicle " speaks of it as about a thousand. The latter estimate is probably not far from right. If two hundred Indians were engaged about the old town bridge, and if Philip entered Sudbury with towards fifteen hundred, about one thousand may have been in ambush. As the foe appeared, the English pursued, and followed hard as they withdrew. That they should do this unsuspicious of peril may be a matter of some surprise. Captain Wadsworth was not inexperienced in Indian warfare ; before this he had been on their trail. When Lancaster was assailed, he had gone to its relief. It might seem strange, then, that he should be led into ambush, wheji aware of Indian strategy, and accompanied by Captain Brocklebank, who could advise him of King Philip's strength.

A little reflection, however, may diminish surprise. If one hundred Indians, as is stated by Hubl)ard, at once hove in sight, the English may have considered it King Philip's main force. These by their flight may have acted surprised. They were in the vicinity of the place whither, it is said, the Indians had gone. Wadsworth was not far from two of Sudbury's garrisons, and not far from the outskirts of the east side settlement. He may have heard the sound of guns in different directions, and especially the firing at the old town bridge ; this, perhaps, led him to suppose Philip's forces much scattered about, and that what he saw was the nucleus of his powerful host. It is not, then, very remarkable if he was thrown off his guard, and that he considered tha.t but little caution was required.

But the pursuit was fatal. The Indians retreated until the place of ambush was reached. Then suddenly the foe opened his fire from a chosen place of concealment, where each man had the opportunity of working to advantage. By these means the trap was sprung. Simultaneous with tliis sudden onsUiught of the ambushed foe an attempt was made to surround the English. Mather says that, " a great body of the Indians surrounded them." Hubbard states, " On a sudden a great body of the enemy appeared. About five hundred as was thouglit compassed them around." This was shrewd on the part of Philip. The first move of the English would naturally be to regain the main path, and make for the highway so near at hand. A short run to the northerly would lead Wadsworth to the Old Lancaster Road, or a quick retreat southerly would soon bring him to the road from Hop Brook to East Sudburj^ ; while one of these ways would bring him to the town bridge and the old Haynes Garrison, and the other to the Goodnow Garrison. It might, then, be expected that Philip would cut* off the retreat.

But, though suddenly surrounded and beset on all sides, they maintained a most manly defense. It may be doubtful if there is its equal in the annals of the earl}^ Indian wars. From five hundred to one thousand savages, with Philip himself to direct their manoeuvres, pouring their fire from every direction, and this against about four-score of English, hard marched, in an unfamiliar locality, could do deadly work. Yet there is no evidence of undue confusion among the ranks of the English.

The sudden onslaught of the savages was attended, as usual, with shoutings and a horrible noise, which but increased the threatening aspect, and tended to indicate that things were worse than they were. In spite of all this, the brave company maintained their position, and more than held their own. Says Mather, " They fought like men and more than so." Says "The Old Indian Chronicle," "Not at all dismayed by their numbers, nor dismal shouts and horrid yelliugs, ours made a most courageous resistance." Not only was the foe kept at bay, and the English force mainly kept compact, but a movement was made to obtain a better position ; hard by was the summit of Green Hill, and thitherward, fighting, Wadsworth directed his course. This he reached, and for hours he fought that furious host, with such success that, it is said, he lost but five men. Says "The Old Indian Chronicle," "Having gained the top of the hill, they from thence gallantly defended themselves, with a loss of five men, near four hours." Hubbard informs us that " the Indians forced them to the top of an hill, where they made very stout resistance considerable while." Thus successfully was the battle waged by the English, despite circumstances and the strength of the foe.

THE FOREST FIRE.

But a new element was to be introduced. The fight had doubtless been prolonged far beyond what Philip had at first supposed it would be. Desperate in his disappointment that the English had not surrendered, they again resort to strategy to accomplish their work. The day was almost done. Philip's force had been decimated by Wadsworth's stubborn defense. Darkness was soon to set in, and under its friendly concealment the English might make their escape. New means were to be employed, or the battle to the Indians was lost, and the fate of Philip's slain warriors would be unavenged. Wadsworth might form a junction with the soldiers at the east side of the town, or make his way to the Goodnow Garrison just beyond Green Hill. A crisis was at hand. Philip knew it, and made haste to meet it. The fio'ht bcGfan with strategy, and he soucrht to close it with strategy. He set fire to the woods, the leaves of which at that season are sometimes exceedingly dry; and the flames, fiercely fanned in the April breeze, drove Wadsworth from his adv^antageous position. The English were forced to fl_y l)efore the devouring element. Says " The Old Indian Chronicle," " The cowardly enemy disheartened by so many of their fellows slain in the first attack, not daring to venture close upon them, yet that we may not think these barbarians altogether unacquainted with strategem, nor so silly as to neglect iiny advantages, at last they set the woods on fire to the windward of our men, which by reason of the wind blowing very hard, and the grass being exceedingly dry, burnt Avith a terrible fierceness, and with the smoke and heat it was like to choke them, so that being no longer able at once to resist the approaching fire, and the cruel enemy, they are forced to quit that advantageous post in disorder." The historian Hubbard says nothing about the fire ; he states, however, " The night drawing on, and some of the English beginning to scatter from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them so as the enem}'^ taking the chase, pursued them on every side as they made too hasty a retreat." That Hubbard mentioned no fire may naturally occasion surprise; but the silence of one historian concerning an event should not invalidate the affirmation of it by another, especially since by a little reflection it may be a matter of surprise that the English should retreat in such haste without the menace of some new peril, when night's friendly help was so near. The statement then of one author, with no reason to doubt his veracity, but a strong presumption to confirm his words, may remove any doubts that might be suggested by the silence of others.

THE RETREAT.

With this new combination of forces pressing hard upon them, nothing was left but retreat. But the results of the retreat were disastrous and exceedingly sad. There is something melancholy indeed attendant on that precipitous flight. For hours, shoulder to shoulder, those men had manfully stood. Inch by inch they had gained the hill-top. The wounded had likely been borne with them, and laid at their protectors' feet; and the brave compan}^ awaited night's friendly shades to bear them gently to a place of relief. But they were to leave them now in the hands of a foe less merciful than the flames from which they had been forced to retire. Their defenders had fired their last shot that would keep the foe at bay, and in hot haste were to make a rush for the Hop Brook Mill. It was a race for life ; a gauntlet from which few would escape.

Historians agree that the rout was complete. Hubbard mentions the too hasty retreat, " by which accident, being so much overpowered b}- the enemy's numbers, they were most of them lost." Sa3's "The Old Indian Chronicle," " The Indians taking advantage of [the rout] came in upon them like so many tigers, and dulling their active swords with excessive numbers obtained the dishonor of a victory. Our two Captains after incomparable proof of their resolution and galantry, being slain upon the place with most of their men." So closed the scene on Green Hill, as the fitful gleam of the forest conflagration lighted the night shadows and revealed the terrible work.

The flight of the men to the mill was doubtless attended with fearful loss. It was situated at what now is South Sudbury village, on the site of the present Parmenter Mill. The distance from the top of Green Hill is from a quarter to half a mile. This distance was enough to make the slaughter great. A break in the ranks, and the foe could close in, and the tomahawk and war-club could do a terrible work. It is said that a small company broke away from the enemy. Says "The Old Indian Chronicle,'' "But those few that remained escaped to a mill which they defended until niCTht." This statement indicates that the rout began before night, while Hubbard says " the night drawing on." T.his disparity of statement is slight. Each may mean the same thing, if the rout occurred about night, as it probably did. We would expect Philip's strategy to be employed before the day closed, as he wished to scatter the English before darkness afforded the means of escape. Gookin informs us that " Wadsworth's men Avere generally cut off, except a few who escaped to a mill which was fortified but the people were fled out of it, and the enemy knew not of their flight." Other authorities give different estimates. Hubbard states, "scarce twenty escaping in all."

Thus closed that tragic day. The firing had ceased. Silence settled with the nightfall over that usually peaceful spot; yet night's natural stillness was not undisturbed. The shouts of the captor as he exultingly looked over his fallen foe, the groans of the wounded white man and savage, the gathering of Philip's scattered forces, each to narrate the deeds of that eventful day, the blaze of the Indian's night-fire, and the strange forms that flitted to and fro, all together might present a scene that was dismal, weird, and strange. LOSS OF THE ENGLISH.

As to the number of English slain, accounts somewhat differ. This is not strange, when men differ as to the number engaged. Mather says " that about fifty of the men were slain that day." Gookin speaks of " thirty-two besides the two captains." Hubbard says, " So as another captain and his fifty perished that time of as brave soldiers as any who were ever employed in the service." Lieut. Richard Jacobs of the garrison at Marlboro, in his letter to the Council, dated April 22, 1676 (Vol. LXVIII., p. 223, State Archives), says, " This morning about sun two hours high ye enemy alarmed us by firing and shouting toward ye government garrison house at Sudbury." He goes on to state that " soon after they gave a shout and came in great num♦ bers on Indian Hill, and one, as their accustomed manner is after a fight, began to signify to us how many were slain ; they whooped sevent}^ four times which we hope was only to affright us, seeing we have had no intelligence of any such thing, yet we have reason to fear the worst, considering the numbers, which we apprehend to be five hundred at the most, others think a thousand." The Indians informed Mrs. Rowlandson that " they killed two captains and almost an hundred men." She states, "One Englishman they brought alive with them, and he said it was too true, for they had made sad work at Sudbury."

■ Thus, according to the various accounts, by far the greater part Were slain. There is one thing which goes to show, however, that Mather may not be far from correct, that is the evidence of the exhumed remains. When the grave was opened a few years ago, parts of the skeletons of twentj^-nine men were found. We can hardly suppose, however, that these were all the slain. Some who were wounded may have crawled away to die. Others, disabled, may have been borne from the spot by the foe ; and in various waj's the wounded may have been removed, to perish near or remote from the field of battle.

According to the testimony of Mrs. Rowlandson, the bodies of the slain were plundered. She remarks, that, "after the master came home, he came to her and bid her make a shirt for his pappoose of a pillow-bier." She says also, "About that time there came an Indian to me and bid me come to his wigwam that night, and he would give me some pork and ground nuts. I did, and as I was eating, another Indian said to me, he seems to be your good friend, but he killed two Englishmen at Sudbury, and there lie the bloody clothes behind you, I looked behind me, and there I saw the bloody clothes behind me with bullet holes in them." No signs of equipments or attire were found in the grave when the remains were disinterred ; and it is probable that the slain were stripped by the savages, and the garments and equipments were carried away.

LOSS OF PHILIP.

As to the number of savages slain on that day, we can hardly expect to obtain any accurate knowledge. The Indians would intend to leave no traces of what havoc the English had made. They would likely care for their wounded, and remove or conceal their dead. Tradition states ("History of Framingham "), that one of the sons of Eames of Framingham was present as a captive at the attack on Sudbury, and he is said to have reported that the Indians suffered severely by the fire from the garrison ; and that an aoed squaw lost six sons, all of whom were brave and distinguished warriors.

From all the circumstances, there is space for fair inference that their loss was large. Wadsworth and Brocklebank were bold and sagacious men ; their soldiers were doubtless valiant to a great degree. During those hours of defensive work there is little doubt but the ranks of King Philip were greatly thinned. Encompassed as the English were by hundreds of combatants eager to rush in and close the contest with hatchet and club, it is safe to infer that only an effective and quickly repeated fire, such as would be deadly to many, would keep such a host at bay. The very fact that Philip by daybreak withdrew, after his destructive work at Green Hill, is a presumption that he was in a crippled state. Without losses so severe as to make it utterly unwise to push on, flushed by Wadsworth's defeat, he would naturally move forward to destroy the east side settlement, and go with conquering march toward the sea. But he retraced his steps westward.

A further evidence that the havoc in Philip's force was great, is the statement of Mrs. Rowlandson, "that they came home without that rejoicing and triumphing over their victory which they were wont to show at other times ; but rather like dogs (as they say) which have lost their ears, yet I could not perceive that it was from their own loss of men. They said they lost not above five or six. And I missed none, except from one wigwam. When they went they acted as if the devil had told them that they should gam a victory, and now they acted as if the devil had told them they should have a fall. Whether it were so or no, I cannot tell, but so it quickly proved, for they quickly began to fall, and so they held on that summer till they came to utter ruin. They came home on a Sabbath day, and the poww^ow that kneeled upon the deerskin came home, I may say, without any abuse, as black as the devil." She further states that " it was their usual manner to remove when they had done any mischief, lest they should be found out ; and so they did at this time. We went about three or four miles, and there they built a great wigwam, big enough to hold one hundred Indians, which they did in preparation to a great day of dancing. They would now say among themselves that the governor would be so angry for the loss at Sudbury that he would say no more about the captives."

Hubbard says, " It was observed by some (at that time their prisoners, since released), that they seemed very pensive after they had come to ther quarters, showing no such signs of rejoicing as they were usually wont to do in like cases. Whether from the loss of some of their own company in that day's enterprise (said to be an hundred and twenty) or whether it were the devil in whom they trusted, that deceived them, and to whom they paid their addresses the day before by sundry conjurations of their powwows, or whether it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their excreable Blasphemies which 'tis said they used in the torturing of some of their poor captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver them out of their hands from death if He could) we leave as uncertain, though some have so reported. Yet sure it is, that after this day they never prospered in any attempt they made against the English, but were continually scattered and broken till they Avere in a manner all consumed."

As ultimate authority in this, as in other matters, we refer to "The Old Petition," in which it is stated as follows of the Indians slain : " Secondly, y^ service pformed at Sudbury by y^ help of y^ Almighty whereby y^ Enemy lost some say 100, some 105, some 120, and by that service much damage prevented from hapning to other places whereby y* Country in Generall was advantaged, reason requires some favorable considerations to y^ servants of Sudbury. For if it be considered what it hath cost our Country in sending out some forces some of which p ties have not returned with y^ certaine newes of such a number slaine as with us."

These things indicate that Philip's loss was severe. He was staj^ed in his course ; he was unable to reinforce his outstanding detachments in their attempt to destroy the town, and he quickly made his retreat. Wadsworth did not die in vain. Not only did he help save the east side settlement, but, keeping the foe hotly engaged for hours, he crippled their force to such a degree that they abandoned their plans of conquest in that vicinity.

THE CAPTURED.

But the sad story is not wholly told when we speak of the slain. The tragedy was not complete when the surviving few had left the field and taken refuge in the mill. Some were captured alive. These were subjected to such atrocious treatment as only a savage would be expected to give. Says Hubbard, " It is related by some that afterwards escaped how they cruelly tortured five or six of the English that night." Mather says, "They took five or six of the English, and carried them away alive, but that night killed them in such a manner as none but savages would have done, . . . delighting to see the miserable torments of the wretched creatures. Thus are they the perfect children of the devil." THE SURVIVORS.

The few English who escaped to the mill found it a place of safety. Says tradition, this was a fortified place, but it was then left in a defenceless condition. This latter fact the Indians were ignorant of, hence it was left unassailed. The escaped soldiers were rescued at night by Warren and Pierce, with some otliers, among whom was Captain Prentis, " who coming in the da}"^ hastily though somewhat to late to the relief of Capt. Wadsworth having not six troopers that were able to keep way with him fell into a pound or place near Sudbury town end, where all passages were stopped by the Indians." Captain Cowell also gave assistance, and thus these weary, war-worn men, the remnant of the gallant company that fought on that memorable day, were conducted to a place of safety.

BURIAL OF THE DEAD.

The morning light of the 22d of April broke upon a sad scene in Sudbury. The noise of the battle had ceased, and the fires had faded away with the night-shadows. Philip had betaken himself from the field of his hard-earned and unfortunate victory, and nothing of life was left but the leafless woods, and these charred as if passed over by the shadow of death. It was a scene of loneliness and desolation. The dead, scalped and stripped, were left scattered as they fell ; while their victors by the sunrising were far on their way back over the track which they had made so desolate. This scene, however, was shortl}^ to change. Warm hearts and stout hands were pushing their way to see what the case might demand, and if possible render relief.

Before nightfall of the 21st, so far as we have learned, little, if any intelligence was received by the parties who had rushed to the rescue, of the true state of things about Green Hill. Wadsworth and Brocklebauk were encompassed about by the foe, so that no communication could be conveyed to the English, who anxiously awaited tidings of their condition. It was known at the easterly part of the town that hard fighting was in progress at or near Green Hill. The shouting, firing, and smoke betokened that a battle was in progress, but how it M'ould terminate none could tell. After the Sudbury and Watertown men had driven the Indians over the river, they strove hard to reach the force on the hill. Says Warren and Pierce, in their petition : " We who were Avith them can more largely inform this Honored Council that as it is said in the petition, that we drove two hundred Indians over the river and with some others went to see if we could relieve Capt. Wadsworth upon the hill, and there we had a fight with the Indians, but they being so many of them, and we stayed so long that we were almost encompassed by them, which caused us to retreat to Capt. Goodnovv's garrison house, and there we stayed it being near night till it was dark."

But another force had also striven to reach the town, and join in the work of rescue. This was a company from Charlestown, commanded by Captain Hunting. Of this company, Gookin says ("History of Christian Indians"): '• On the 21^' of April, Capt. Hunting had drawn up and ready furnished his company of forty Indians at Charlestown. These had been ordered by the council to march to the Merrimac river near Chelmsford, and there to settle a garrison near the great fishing places where it was expected the enemy would come to get fish for their necessar}^ food." But, says Gookin, " Behold God's thoughts are not as ours, nor His ways as ours, for just as these soldiers were ready to march upon the 21^' of April, about midday, tidings came by many messengers that a great body of the enemy . . . had assembled at a town called Sudbury that morning." He says " that just at the beginning of the lecture there, as soon as these tidings came. Major Gooken and Thomas Danforth, two of the magistrates who were there hearing the lecture sermon, being acquainted, he withdrew out of the meeting house, and immediately gave orders for a ply of horses belonging to Capt. Prentis's troop under conduct of Corporal Phipps, and the Indian company under Capt. Hunting, forthwith to march away for the relief of Sudbury; which order was accordingly put into execution. Capt. Hunting with his Indian company being on foot, got not into Sudbury until a little within night. The enemy as is before [narrated] were all retreated unto the west side of the river of Sudbury, where also several English inhabited."

But though the rescuing parties were either repulsed, or too late to render assistance at the fight, they were on hand to bury the dead. Says Warren and Pierce : " After hurrying the bodies of the Concord men at the bridge's foot, we joined ourselves to Capt. Hunting and as many others as we could procure, and went over the river to look for Capt. Wadsworth and Capt. Broklebank ; and we gathered them up and hurried them." ,

The manner in which this burial scene proceeded is narrated thus by Mr. Gookin (''History of Christian Indians"): " Upon the 22"^^ of April early in the morning over forty Indians having stripped themselves and painted their faces like to the enemy, they passed over the bridge to the west side of the river without any Englishmen in the company, to make discovery of the enemy (which was generally conceded quartered thereabout), but this did not at all discourage our Christian Indians from marching and discovering, and if they had met with them to beat up their quarters. But God had so ordered that tlie enemy were all withdi-awn and were retreated in the night. Our Indian soldiers having made a thourough discovery and to their great relief (for some of them wept when they saw so many English lie dead on the place among the slain), some they knew, viz, those two worthy and pious Captains, Capt. Broklebank of Rowley and Capt. Wadsworth of Milton, who with about thirty two private soldiers were slain the day before. . . . As soon as they had made a full discovery, [they] returned to their Captains and the rest of the English, and gave them an account of their motions. Then it was concluded to march over to the place and bury the dead, and they did so. Shortly after, our Indians marching in two files upon the wings to secure those that went to bury the dead, God so ordered it that they met with no interruption in that work."

Thus were the slain soldiers buried on that April morning, in the stillness of the forest, far away from their kindred, friends, and homes. Those, who through inability had failed to defend them in the day of battle, now tenderly took them to their last long resting-place. A single grave contained them. Though scattered, they were borne to oiie common place of burial, and a rough heap of stones was all that marked that lone forest grave. Such was that soldiers' sepulchre, a mound in the woods, left to grow gray with the clustering moss of years, 3'et marking in its rustic simplicity one of the noblest and most heroic events known in the annals of King Philip's War. Thej^ sleep

" While the bells of autumn toll, Or the murmuring song of spring flits by, Till the crackling heavens in thunder roll, To the bugle-blast on high."

PLACE OF BURIAL.

The grave was made on the westerly side of Green Hill, near its base, and was in the northeast corner of the South Sudbury cemetery before its recent enlargement. In our recollection, the grave was marked by a rude stone-heap, at the head of which was a plain slate-stone slab. The heap was made of common loose stones such as a man could easily lift, and was probably placed there when the grave was made. It was perhaps three or four feet high, and a dozen feet wide at the base. The slab was erected about 1730 by President Wadsworth of Harvard College, son of Captain Wadsworth. As we remember the spot, it was barren and briar-grown ; loose stones, fallen from the top and sides of the mound, were half concealed in the wild wood grass that grew in tufts about it. It remained in this condition for years, and the villagers from time to time visited it as a place of interest.

In the year 1851 the town agitated the matter of erecting a monument, and the Legislature was petitioned for aid, which was granted. But the monument does not mark the original grave. The committee who had the matter in charge located it about fifty feet to the north. The old grave was at, or about the turn of the pi'esent avenue or path, at the northeast corner of the Adam Smith family lot, in the pres

THE WADSWORTH GRAVE,

So. Sudbury

From an original painting by A, S. Hudson. ent Wadswprth Cemetery. After it was decided to erect the monument in its present position, the remains of the soldiers were removed. The grave was opened without ceremony in the presence of a small company of villagers. It was the writer's privilege to be one of the number, and according to our recollection the grave was about six feet square, in which the bodies were placed in tiers at right angles to each other. Some of the skeletons were large, and all well preserved.

In connection with the 'events just described, we will give a few facts concerning some of the men engaged in them.

CAPT. SAMUEL WADSWORTH.

Capt. Samuel Wadsworth was the son of Christopher and Grace Wadsworth of Duxbury. He was supposed to be their oldest child. It is stated that when he died he was forty-six years old, but this is uncertain. He married Abigail Lindall of Duxbury, and owned lands at one time in Bridgewater, which were a part of a grant to his father. These lands comprised one sixty-fourth part of Bridgewater when it included most of Hanson and Abington. In 1685 Captain Wads worth's share is entered upon the Bridgewater records under the name of Widow Wadsworth. About 1660 Captain Wadsworth bought several hundred acres of land in Milton. A part of this estate was retained in the family to the eighth generation. His family consisted of six boj^s and one girl. His wife lived on the homestead many years after his death. Captain Wadsworth was an influential citizen, and took an active part in affairs both political and religious. At the time of Philip's War he was a captain in the militia of Milton. He was considered "a resolute, stout-hearted soldier," and " one worthy to live in our history under the name of a good man." (Genealogy of the Wadsworth Family).

CAPT. SAMUEL BROCKLEBANK.

Capt. Samuel Brocklebank was a citizen of Rowle3% Mass. He was born in England about 1680. A few years after his arrival in this country, his mother, who was a widow, came over, accompanied by two children. Samuel Brocklebank shortly after becoming of age was chosen a selectman, and continued to hold important town offices until his death. He became a deacon of the church Feb. 18, 1665. In 1673 the Council appointed him captain of militia, and after the breaking out of Philip's War he was stationed at a government garrison at Marlboro, where he had command of some colonial soldiers, and from which place he went with Captain Wadsworth to Sudbury. At the time of his death he was about forty-six j-ears old. He left a widow and six children, Samuel, Hannah, Mary, Elizabeth, Sarah, and Joseph^ Captain Brocklebank was an estimable citizen, a brave soldier, and a fit associate of Captain Wadsworth in his perilous work.

Lieutenant Sharp of Brookline and Lieut. Samuel Gardiner of Roxbury were, it is stated, brave and efficient men. And all the soldiers who were slain on that disastrous occasion were, we are informed, as brave soldiers as any who were engaged in the service at that time.

ROXBURY MEN.

The following is a list of the Roxbury men who were of Captain Wads worth's company, and killed at the Sudbury fight : Thomas Baker, Jr., John Roberts, Jr., Nathaniel Seaver [or Leason], Thomas Hawley [or Romley], Sr., William Cleaves, Joseph Pepper, John Sharpe, Thomas Hopkins, Samuel Gardner.

CONCORD MEN.

John Barnes lived in Concord in 1661, and married Elizabeth Hunt in 1664.

Joseph Buttrick was a son of William Buttrick, who came to New England in 1635, and died in 1698, aged eighty-two. His second Avife was Jane Goodnow of Sudbury.

James Hosmer was the oldest son of James, who came to Concord among the first settlers, and died in 1685. James, the son, married Sarah White in 1658. His widow married Samuel Rice. Samuel Potter was son of Luke Potter, one of the first settlers at Concord and deacon of the church there. Samuel married Sarah Wright in 1675.

MARLBORO MEN.

In Hudson's "History of Marlboro" it is stated that the records of that town give the names of John Howe, Henry Axtel, and Eleazer Ward as being slain by the Indians in Sudbury;, but whether in the Sudburj^ fight with Wadsworth, or not, is not known.

John How was a son of John How, one of the petitioners for the Marlboro Phmtation. He was born in 1640, probably in Sudbury, and married in 1662.

Henry Axtel was one of the proprierors of Marlboro at the time of its incorporation, and drew his land in the first division. He married in 1665, and was slain by the Indians between Sudbury and Marlboro, April 20, 1676.

Eleazer Ward was born near 1649, married Hannah Rice, lived in Sudbury, and was killed by the Indians upon the highway between Sudbury and Marlboro, April 20, 1676. •

THE CHRISTIAN INDIANS.

In connection with what has been said of the English who were in this battle, we will give a few facts concerning the Indians who came to the rescue under Captain Hunting. These were a detachment of the Christian Indians who had been placed on Deer Island by the colonial authorities, after the outbreak of the war. Years before, they had been gathered by Rev. John Eliot into several villages, where they lived peaceably among themselves, and on friendly relations with the whites. Their character and conduct was such as showed the civilizing influence of Christianity, and the power of the gospel to uplift and bless their race. But a few acts by a few recreant and unfaithful ones aroused the suspicion of the English against them all, so that, instead of allowing them to be their allies, they exiled them to an island in Boston harbor. But as the war progressed, their assistance was needed; and at the request of Mr. Eliot and General Gookin, the Governor and Council allowed a detachment to be placed under the command of Captain Hunting, and sent at once to Sudbury. In this service they showed their bravery and faithful attachment to the English. When they crossed the river, to discover the enemj^'s movements on the west side, they knew not but what Philip was in ambush for further prey, but they moved forward, and went beyond Green Hill ; and when in the solitude of the forest they beheld those prostrate forms, their stern spirits were melted, and it is said, the}^ wept.

MOVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH AFTER THE FIGHT.

The dead having been buried, the English repaired, according to Warren and Pierce, to Nobscot to bring the carts into " Sudbury to wne." These carts are probably the same as those mentioned by Gookin, when he says, " At the same time [that is, at the time the survivors of this fight were secreted in Noyes's Mill] Captain Cutler of Charlestown, with a small company," according to Hubbard, eleven, "having the convoy of some carts from Marlboro that were coming to Sudbury, having secured his carriage at a garrison house, escaped narrowly being cut off by the enem}^" The same autlior goes on to state, that the enemy " at tliat time cut off some English soldiers that were coming down under the conduct of one Cowell of Boston, that had been a convoy to some provisions at Quaborg Fort." Other soldiers were soon on the march to the spot, the country having been aroused by this disaster to Wadsworth.

On April 22, 1976, it was ordered by the Council, " that the majors of Suifolk and Middlesex issue out their orders, Maj. Thomas Clark to the Captain of the troop of Suffolk, to raise forty of his troops, well attended, and completely armed with fire arms, and furnished with ammunition, under the conduct of Cornet Eliot, [and] such officers as he shall choose to accompany him, forthwith to visit Dedham, Medfield, and so to Sudbury ; and Major Daniel Gookin to issue out by order a like number of troops out of Middlesex troops, under the conduct of Thomas Prentis, or such as he shall choose, to visit Concord, Sudbury, and so to Medfield." The order to Cornet Eliot was, " You are ordered and requested to take forty of the troop, and so many as you can suddenly raise, and march with them into Sudbury, and inquire of their present distressed condition, and of the interring of the dead bodies, as also of the enemy's motion, and place of their rendezvous, and if you have opportunity you are to distress, kill, and destroy the enemy to the uttermost, taking good heed lest, through any neglect, or too much adventurness, you hazard the lives of the men by their sudden surprisal of you. You are also to visit Medfield, and make report of what you find to the Council, and in so doing this shall be your warrant."

Thus, after this disastrous battle, the English were on the move; but the Indians had departed westward. As we have noticed by the letter of Lieutenant Jacobs, they passed through Marlboro on the morning of the 22d, when the sun was about two hours high. This was Philip's westward retreat. He never retraced his footsteps. Sudbury was the last eastward town in his march. As a conqueror he could go no farther. On April 21 his sun had reached its meridian; on the 22d it turned towards its setting. His host was broken ; the ranks of his warriors began to thin ; and when he returned to his home at Mount Hope, it was to be hunted and harassed ; and Aug. 12, 1676, he fell by the hand of one of his race.

Sudbury's loss.

The war with King Philip left the town in a weakened condition. Even had the people sustained but little direct loss, their prosperity would naturally have been checked by the imperiled state of the community; but the actual loss to the people in property was considerable, as is indicated by various petitions, in which they set forth their circumstances. In 1677, some inhabitants of Marlboro, Lancaster, and Sudbury sent a petition to the Court, asking that a certain tract of land lying about Marlboro, called by the Indians Whipsuffrage and Ocogooganset, might be given them. The reason of this request was, as they say, " Because many of which Indians in our late war have proved very perfidious and combine with the common enemy," and because we having been "upon ye Country's service, and hazarded our lives against 3^e common enemy, have suffered much damage by being driven from our habitation, and some of our habitations burnt." (State Archives, Vol. XXX., p. 240.)

But we are not left to general statement of the material loss sustained, for the specific damage to each individual's property is given in "The Old Petition." The first part of the petition, together with a list of the losses, which we give here verbatim, is as follows :

To ye Honbie ye Govemo'' Magistrates & Deputies of ye Gen' Court assembled at Boston ye 11th Octob'' 1676.

Tlie humble Petition of yor poore, distressed Inhabitants of Sudbury Humb'y Showeth.

That whereas yor impoverished Petition's of Sudbury have received intelh'gence of a large contribution sent out of Ireland by some pious & well affected p sons for ye reliefe of their brethren in New England by ye hostile intrusions of ye Indian Enemy, and that upon this divers distressed towns have presented a list of their losses sustained by fireing and plundering their estates. Let it not seem presumption in yo"" poore Petition's to p'sent a list of what Damages are sustained by yo' enemies in his attempts ; hoping that o' lott will be considered among Our brethren of ye tribe of Joseph ; being encouraged by an act of Our Honbie Genu Court; that those who have Sustained considerable damage should make addresses to this p'sent session.

An Accompt of Losse Sustenied by Severall Inhabitants of ye towne of Sudbury by ye Indian Enemy ye 21st Aprill 1076.

L

s

D

Mary Bacon formerly ye Relict of

Ensign Noyes

140:

00:

00

Thomas Plimpton

130:

00.:

00

Deacon John Haines

180:

00:

00

Seg Josiah Haines

190:

:00:

:00

Capt James Pendleton

060 :

00;

:00

John Goodenow

150;

:00:

:00

William Moores

180:

:00:

:00

Edward Wright

100:

:00:

:00

Elias Keyes

060:

:00:

:00

John Smith

080:

00:

:00

Samuell How

140:

:00

:00

Mr Pelham

050:

:00:

:00

Mr. Stevens

015:

:00:

:00

Corporall Henry Ric.e

180

:00

:00

John Allen

060

:00

:00

James Roose

070

:00

:00 John Grout jun"" 060 : 00 : 00

Thomas Rice 100 : 00 : 00

Widd Whale 024 : 00 : 00

Henry Curtice 200 : 00 : 00

John Brewer 120 : 00 : 00

Jacob M cores 050 : 00 : 00

Henry Loker 100 : 00 : 00

Joseph ffreemon 080 : 00 : 00

Joseph Graves OGO : 00 : 00

Peter King 040 : 00 : 00

Widd Habgcood 020 : 00 : 00

Benjamin Crane 020 : 00 : 00

Jhomas wedge 015 : 00 : 00

John Blanford 010 : 00 : 00

Thomas Brewer 010 : 00 : 00

Richard Burk 010 : 00 : 00

Thomas Reade 003 : 00 : oo

WhoU Sum 2707 : 00 : 00

Beside ye uncovering ye Many houses & Barnes & some hundred of Acres of lands which are unimproved for feare of ye Enemy to Our greate loss & Damage (Signed)

Edm Browne Joseph [ ]

Edm Goodnow Peter Noyes

John Grout Jonathan Stanhope

John Haines Edward wright

Josiah Haines Jabeth Browne

Thomas Read John Grout jun""

Peter King Joseph Graves

John Ruter sen"" Tho Walker

Joseph Noyes John Blanford

John Goodnow John Allen

Mathew Gibs Henry Curtis

Thomas wedge Jacob Moores

Benjamin Crane John Brewer Zecriah Maynard James Ross

Joseph Moore Richard Burk

John Parminter Thomas Brewer

Henry Loker Samuell How.

The contribution to which the petition refers was called " The Irish Charity Donation or Fund." The gift was made in 1676, for the people in the Massachusetts, Plj'^mouth and Connecticut colonies who had suffered in King Philip's War. It was " made by divers Christians in Ireland for the relieffe of such as are Impoverished, Distressed and in Nessesitie by the late Indian Avars ; " sent b}^ the " Good ship called the Kathrine of Dublin." Rev. Nathaniel Mather, the brother of Increase, is supposed to have been a means of procuring the fund. The proportion received by Sudbury was for twelve families, fort3'-eight persons, 71. 4s. Od. This was to be delivered to the selectmen of the several towns in meal, oat meal, and malt at 18d. per ball, butter Qd. cheese 4d. ]3er pound. The following is another section of the same petition :

Furthermore prmitt yC humWe Peticon''s to present a second motion. And let it be acceptable in ye eyes of this Our Grand Court vizt:

That whereas by an Act of Our late Gen" Court ten rates are leavied upon Our towne amounting unto 200'^: as appeareth p warrant from Our Treasurer, which said sum was leavied by Our Invoyce, taken in ye yeare before Our greate damage susteyned. It is ye humble & earnest request of yC Petitionrs to commiserate Our Condition, in granting to us some abatement of ye said sum for ye ensueing consideration, Vist: ffirst Our towne to pay full for theire estates then taken which in greate pte they have now lost by ye enemy's invasion may seem not to savor of pitty no not of equity

Is it not reason'es that this service soe beneficiall should not be considered with some reward which may not easily be esserted (sic) by issuing forth an Act of yor grace in a suitable abatem' of ye said sum leavied with ye conferring of a Barrell of Powder & suitable shott in regard that yC Petioners have spent not only their owne stock or others but much of ye Towne stock.

In response, "the Court judged meet to order that Sudbury be allowed and abated forty fower pound ten shillings out of ye whole sume of their ten county rates." (Colonial Records, Vol. V., p. 124.)

CHAPTER XIV.                 page 259

1675-1700.

Revival of Prosperity after Philip's War. Payment for Fortification of the Meeting-House. Erection of Saw-Mill at Hop Brook. Death of Rev. Edmund Browne ; Place of Burial ; Historical Sketch. Settlement of Rev. James Sherman. -Purchase of Parsonage. Building of New Meeting-House. Political Disturbances.^ Change of Charter. Administration of Sir Edmund Andros. Indian Hostilities. The Ten Years War. Distribution of Ammunition. Petition of Sudbury. Phipps Expedition. Sudbury Canada Grant. — Witchcraft. Samuel Paris; Historical Sketch. Incorporation of Framingham. Miscellaneous Matters.

The land lies open and warm in the sun, Anvils clamor and mill-wheels run ; Flocks on the hillsides, herds on the plain, The wilderness gladdened with fruit and grain.

Whittier.

The war with King Philip being ended, the way was opened for renewed prosperity. New buildings went up on the old estates, the garrisons again became quiet homesteads, and the fields smiled with plentiful harvests. An earl}^ movement was made to meet indebtedness caused by the Avar. March, 1676-7, it was ordered, " that the rate to be made for the fortification about the meeting house of this town shall be made by the invoice to be taken this spring, leaving out all strangers and sojourners, and that the logs there used be valued at two shillings six pence each, boards five shillings six pence per hundred foot, and every man's day's work at 18d." A little later, Feb. 26, 1677, it was ordered, "that such persons as have brought in logs for fortification of the meeting house, do bring in their account of logs, and all persons an account also for their days' work done thereupon

259 unto the town clerk between this and the next town meetingno w appointed to be the 11^'^ of March next, and such as do not, shall lose both their logs and work, for the town will wait upon them no longer."

ERECTION OF SAW-MILL.

Another movement that denotes the town's activity and recuperative power was the erection of a saw-mill. A town record, dated March 26, 1677, informs us it was ordered that ''Peter King, Thomas Read, Sen., John Goodenow, John Smith and Joseph Freeman have liberty granted them to build a saw mill upon Hop Brook above Mr. Peter Noyes's mill, at the place viewed by the committee of this town chosen the last week, which if they do, they are to have twenty tons of timber of the common lands for the building thereof, and earth for their dam, and also they are to make a small dam or sufficient causage so as to keep the waters out of the swamp lands there, provided also that if Mr, Peter Noyes shall at any time throw up his corn mill they do in room thereof set up a corn mill as sufficient to grind the town's corn and grain as Mr. Noyes's present mill hath done and doth, and see to maintain the same, and whenever they or any of them their heirs, executors, administrators. Assigns, or successors, shall either throw up their said corn mill or fail to grind the towns corn and grain as above said, the toAvns land hereby granted shall be forfeited and returned to the town's use again, and lastly the said persons are not to pen up the water, or saw at any time between the middle of April and first of September, and they are also to make good all the highway that they shall damage thereby."

DEATH OF REV. EDMUND BROWNE.

The town had not moved far on the road to renewed prosperity before another calamity came. This was the death of its pastor. Rev. Edmund Browne, who died June 22, 1678. The first intimation we have on the town records of Mr. Browne's sickness is the following : " Ordered, that next Lord's day there be a free contribution [asked] and collected by Deacon Ilaines for and towards carrj'ing and charge of Preacher (upon the sickness of Mr. Edmund Browne, Pastor) that the pulpit might be supplied notwithstanding, after the best manner that may be obtained," Ca])tain Goodenow, Deacon Haines, Mr. Joseph Noyes and Peter King were empowered to be a standing committee during the pastor's sickness, and ordered " to take care that this town be supplied with able Preachers whilst the Pastor is not able to officiate." "The following named persons offered themselves for the 1*' month to travel with horse and weekly to fetch and return Preachers for the supply of the town, at least every Lord's day. 1** Peter Noyes, Joseph Parmenter, 2=^ Tho. Brown, Joseph Moore, S'^ Jn° Goodenow, Joseph Graves, 4^'' Samuel How, Thomas Read, Jr."

We have discovered no record, and are aware of no tradition, relating to Mr. Brown's burial or place of interment. He may have been buried in the old yard in Wayland, and the grave may have been left unmarked, or the stone may have been broken or fallen, and been removed. It has been conjectured that his remains were placed in some tomb in. or about the .city of Boston. The writer has examined copied inscriptions on the stones of some of the older graveyards of Boston, but has discovered there no name which could be that of the first pastor of Sudbury. In Sewall's Diary is the following entry: "Monday, May 9th, 1709. Major Thomas Brown Esq. of Sudbury was buried in the old Burying jjlace. Bearers, Cook, Sewall, Hutchingson, Townsend, Jas Dummer, Dudley, Scarves and Gloves," "Tlie old Burying place " was that of King's Chapel, Boston. The wife of Major Thomas Brown was buried in the East Side Buryingground, Sudbury. If Major Brown was not buried with his wife, but it was considered important that his remains should be taken to Boston for interment, the same may have been the case with Edmund Browne.

In the death of its first pastor the town met with a great loss. It is true, he was nearly or quite fourscore years old, but judging from his activity in the Indian war, in fortifying his house, and sending messages to the Colonial Court, he was still energetic and robust. Moreover, he had been wdth the people from the beginning of the settlement ; he had passed with them through the desolations of a terrible war, and had been a sharer of their jo^^s and sorrows for many years. From what we know of him, we judge him to have been a warm friend of the truth, and an ardent defender of the Christian faith. It is certainly creditable to him, that, after such a long pastorate, his people were of a character to empower their committee to provide " an able Orthodox Preacher," after he was taken ill.

Mr. Browne came from England in 1637, and, according to Mather, was ordained and in actual service in that country before he came to America. He was a freeman of Massachusetts Bay Colony, May 13, 1640. He married, about 16-45, Anne, widow of John Loveren of Watertown, but left no children. He was a member of the synod that established " The Cambridge Platform," 1646-8 ; was on the council that met in 1657 to settle the difficulties in Rev. Mr. Stone's church, Hartford ; preached the artillery election sermon in 1666 ; and his name is attached to the testimony of the seventeen ministers against the proceedings of the three elders of the First Church, Boston, about 1669.

Mr. Browne was quite a land owner, his real estate, as it is supposed, amounting to three hundred acres. His early homestead at Timber Neck had originally belonging to it seventy acres. He received from the General Court a grant of meadow land situated in the present territory of Framingham, and from time to time became possessed of various lands both within and without the town. Mr. Brown hunted and fished, and it is said was a good angler. He played on several musical instruments and was a noted musician. In his will he speaks of his " Base Voj^al " and musical books and instruments. He was much interested in educating and Christianizing the Indians, and at one time had some of them under his special care. His library was for those times quite valuable, containing about one hundred and eighty volumes. He left fifty pounds to establish a grammar school in Sudbury; but by vote of the town, in 1724, it was diverted to another purpose. He also left one hundred pounds to Harvard College. SETTLEMENT OF REV. JAMES SHERMAN.

The towu was not left long without a pastor. It soon called the Rev. James Sherman, who had preached during the illness of Mr. Browne. May 6, 1678, " it was ordered that the committee engage the service of Mr. James Sherman that hath officiated in the town in that kind to continue in that work till the first of September next, or longer as they shall see cause, or till further order from the town." May 20, on a " training day," it was decided that Mr. Peter King was to entertain Mr. Sherman, and to have six shillings per week "for his diet, lodging, attendance, and horse."

Active measures were immediately taken to provide the minister with a house. The town bought of John Loker the east end of his house, standing before and near the meetinghouse, and his orchard, and the whole home lot of about four acres ; it also bought of him the reversion due to him of the western end of the house that his mother then dwelt in. This part of the house was to be the town's property at the marriage or death of the said Widow Mary Loker. For this property the town was to pay John Loker fifty pounds. (See p. 116.) The Widow Loker appeared at town-meeting, and surrendered all her reversion in the western end of the house to the town, reserving the liberty to have twelve months in which " to provide herself otherwise." She also promised in the meantime "to quit all egress and regress through the eastern end of the house and every part thereof." ^ In consequence of this the town agreed to pay her annually that is, till she should marry or die twenty -five shillings, money of New England. The town also voted to raise twenty-five pounds with which to repair the house. The records inform us, that " the said town doth freely give and grant unto Mr. James Sherman, minister of the word of God, all that house and lands which the said town bought lately of John Loker, and twenty pounds to be paid him in [country] pay towards the repair of the said house, and also twenty pounds more to be paid him in money, for and towards the purchase of the widow Mary Loker's lot that lies adjoining to it, when she shall have sold it to the said Mr. James Sherman, and also six acres of common upland lying on the back side of the town at the end of Smith field, and also six acres of meadow ground some where out of the common meadows of tliis town. These foregoing particular gifts and grants the said town doth engage and promise to the said Mr. James Sherman minister and his heirs ... in case he shall settle in this town and live and die amongst them their Teaching Elder. But in case the said Mr. Sherman shall not carry out the constant work of preaching in and to this town, during his life, or shall depart and leave this town before his death, then all the premises shall return to the said town's hands again to be at their own dispose forever, only they are then to pay to the said Mr. Sherman all the charges he hath been out for the same in the meantime, as [they] shall be judged worth by indifferent men mutually chosen, unless both parties shall agree therein among themselves."

The town also agreed to pay Mr. Sherman eighty pounds salary; twenty pounds of this were to be paid him in "money, twenty pounds in wheat, pork, beef, mutton, veal, butter, or cheese, or such like species at country price, and the remaining forty shall be paid him in Indian Corn and Rye, or Barley or Peas, all at country prices." He was to have five pounds added per annum to his salary for the cutting and carting home of firewood. He was also to have the use of the minister's meadow lands, and could j^asture his cattle on the common land, and have firewood and timber from the common land of the town.

The 30th of October, 1678, " the said Mr. James Sherman did then and there freely and fully declare before the town his acceptance of all that which the said town had granted and done in all respects as is before written, in consideration thereof for his part he did promise the said town, that he would live and die in the constant and public discharge of this duty, by preaching the word of the Lord unto them, and in the faithful administration of all the ordinances of Christ amongst them ; which the Inhabitants of the said town accepted of; and said Mr. Sherman also declaired there that if the mint house should be put down so that money cannot be had he should neither expect nor desire any part of his salary in money."

Thus the town secured the services of Mr. Sherman, and provided him with a place of residence ; and within a year after the death of Mr. Browne, the church was again equipped for work. Mr. Sherman was son of Rev. John Sherman of Watertown. He mnrried Mary, daughter of Thomas Walker of Sudbury, and had two sons, John and Thomas. He was ordained in 1678, and was dismissed May 22, 1705. After leaving the pastoral office he remained in town for a time, occasionally preaching abroad. Afterwards, he practiced medicine in Elizabethtown, N. J., and Salem, Mass. He died at Sudbury, March 3, 1718.

NEW MEETING-HOUSE.

During the pastorate of Mr. Sherman, the town took measures for the erection of a new house of worship. Oct. 6, 1686, " it was determined, ordered, and voted, that a new meeting house be built within this town with all convenient speed, after such manner as shall be resolved upon by the town." " It was ordered that the said new meeting house shall be erected finished and stand upon the present Burjdng place of this town and on the most convenient part thereof or behind or about the old meeting house that now is."

The business of building the meeting-house was entrusted to Deacon John Haines, between whom and the town a covenant was made at a town-meeting, Jan. 10, 1685. It was to be raised on or before the first day of July, 1688 ; and for the work Mr. Haines was to have two hundred pounds, one hundred and sixty pounds of it to be paid in " country pay and at country price," and the other forty pounds to be paid in money. The country pay was to be in " good sound merchantable Indian corn, or Rye, or wheat, or barley, or malt, or Peas, or Beef, or Pork, or work, or in such other pay as the said Deacon Haines shall accept of any person."

The meeting-house was to be " made, framed and set up, and finished upon the land and place appointed b}'' the town on the 6'^ of October last past, in all respects for dimentions, strength, shape, . . . and conveniences, as Dedham meeting house is, except filling between studs ; but in all things else admitting with all in this work such variations as are particularly mentioned in the proposition of Corporal John Brewer and Sam^ How." The town was to help raise the building, the clapboards were to be of cedar, the inside to be lined with either planed boards or cedar clapboards, and the windows were to contain two hundred and forty feet of glass. It was voted, " that Lent. Daniel Pond shall be left to his liberty whether he will leave a middle alley in the new meeting house, or shut up the seats as they are in Dedham meeting house, provided always that the seats do comfortably and conveniently hold and contain seven men in one end of the seats and seven women in the other end of the seats."

At a town-meeting, Feb. 13, 1687-8, " a committee of eleven men were chosen to receive the new meeting house of Deacon John Haines, when it is finished according unto covenant made between him and the town," and also "• to appoint persons how and where to sit in the meeting house." It was voted, " that the most considerable rule for seating of persons in the meeting house shall be by what they pay to the building thereof, excepting in respect to some considerable persons or to age and other considerable qualifications." It was voted that there should be " a good, sufficient and strong ladder placed at the meeting house with as much speed as may be, to prevent whatsoever occurrence may happen." "Mary Loker was to have one pound fifteen shillings for the year ensuing for sweeping the new meeting house and keeping it clean." It was voted, that "there should be a convenient place for the storing of the ammunition of the town over the window in the south west gable. The dirt on the north east and south east side of the new meeting house was to be moved and placed at the foreside of it, and the ground was to be raised to within four or five inches of the sill, and to cover it with gravel and make a convenient way in at the door."

A few years after this meeting-house was built a bell was provided for it. It cost "twenty and five pounds in money." John Goodenow and Edward Wright paid this, and they bought the bell of Caleb Hubbert of Braintree. It was voted that Joliii Farm enter should sweep the meeting-house from April 1, 1696, to April 1, 1697, for fourteen bushels of Indian or twenty shillings in money. The building being completed, a committee was chosen " to go to Dedham and clear up accounts with and obtain a discharge from Lieut. Daniel Pond concerning our new meeting house."

CIVIL AND MILITARY DISTURBANCES.

While the people of Sudbury were endeavoring to repair their misfortunes, they worked at a disadvantage. The country was by no means quiet. Disturbances, both civil and military, embarrassed the land. Kings in rapid succession ascended the British throne. In 1685 came the death of King Charles, who was succeeded by James II., who was followed by William of Holland. Change in England meant change in America, and change in America meant change in the colonial towns. For some time there had been a controversy concerning the colon3''s charter. In 1685 it was declared that this charter was forfeited. The liberties of the people passed into the hands of the King of Great Britain, and the colony was called to submit to such form of government as Charles II. and James his successor saw fit to allow. But the people yet hoped to resume the old charter. Events, however, proved that these hopes were vain. In 1692 a new charter was brought to Boston by Sir William Phipps, and from a colony Massachusetts passed to a province, which included Nova Scotia, New Hampshire, Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Maine. With this change came new relations and laws. The new charter gave the governor extended power. He had the appointment of all the military officers, and, with the consent of the Council, the judicial also. He could call or adjourn the General Court, and no act of government was valid without his consent. But before the completion of this list of events, the community was agitated by a usurpation of power unsurpassed in the history of the colony.

In 1686, Sir Edmund Andros was commissioned by King James to succeed Dudley as colonial governor. Andros proved a pernicious ruler, whose despotism was not long to be borne. Among his arbitrary acts was imprisonment without trial, unjust and oppressive taxation, denial of the right of habeas corpus and the right of the people to hold their town-meetings. But the act which perhaps threatened the greatest embarrassment was that relating to real estate. The people were informed that they had unsound claims to their lands, and that the titles to them were void. Notwithstanding Indian deeds were produced, they were told these were " worth no more than the scratch of a bear's paw." Although King James is said to have commanded, that "the several properties according to the ancient records" should be continued to the people, yet the commission to Andros intimated his intention of assuming the whole "real property " of the country, and that landed rights were to be granted the people on such terms as the king might demand.

The result was a general embarrassment, and on April 18, 1689, there was a revolt and resort to arms. A council of safety was formed, and there met in Boston the 22d of May, the representatives of fifty-four towns. Sudbury sent Peter King as its delegate. He was instructed " to consult with the council sitting," and directed " not to resume the former charter government only that the present council should stand until we receive orders from his Royal Highness the Prince of Orange, and that the prisoners in durance be safely kept until such time as they may be brought before lawful justice." Forty of the representatives of the fiftyfour towns voted in favor of resuming the old charter. This, however, being opposed by Broadstreet, the president, and also by many of the old magistrates, it was agreed to resume only the government chosen in 1686 under the charter, until further orders were received from England. Forty delegates voted for this measure, and Mr. King of Sudbury was among the number. The dissolution of the old charter was in 1686. On May 26, 1689, a ship brought the news of the proclaiming of King William and Queen Mary ; and the arrival of the charter for a province was in 1692.

Thus, when the country was stirred by civil commotion, the town took its appropriate part ; and, despite the bustle and stir in these important matters of state, it pursued its steady way. The persons who served from Sudbury in the General Court from the deposition of Andros, in 1689, were Peter King, Peter Noyes, John Haynes, Joseph Freeman. (Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXIV., p. 289.)

THE TEN YEARS WAR.

The disturbing elements of this period were not confined to civil relations. The border settlements were exposed to the sudden assaults of the savages, who needed only a pretext or an opportunity to commence their depredations. An occasion was soon afforded. About 1689 hostilities broke out among the settlements of New Hampshire and Maine, and the county of Middlesex was called upon to send its troops and munitions of war to the ravaged districts between the Penobscot and Merrimac. But a war of greater proportions soon threatened the colony, and which was to be of a duration, not of months, but of years. This war, waged between England and France, and known as King William's, or the " Ten Years War," for about a decade of years, menaced the frontier towns of New England. The work of devastation was soon commenced, and revived the associations of by-gone years. The musket was once more to be shouldered and the sword unsheathed in defense of imperiled firesides and the arbitrament of disputed rights.

French authorities, with the sanction of the governor general of Canada, sought an alliance with the Indians, and the French and savages combined made the border a perilous place. But the war affected the New England colony in general. Levies were made on the towns for men to man the outposts and to go on expeditions of an aggressive and hazardous nature. During these years of hostility Sudbury was less exposed than in the war with King Philip. Her greatest trial was from sudden incursions, and a liability to large drafts on her weak resources. It is recorded in the town book, that, in 1688, there was a distribution of the stock of ammunition. The following statement is accompanied by a list of persons who took the stock in charge :

270 The names of those persons as have taken the public stock of ammunition into their hands, and have agreed to respond for the same in case that it be not spent in real service in the resistance of the enemy are as followeth.

Benjamin Moore Samuel How Matthew Gibbs Mr. Hopestil Brown Daniel Stone Corp. John Bent Corp. Henry Rice Mr. William Brown Mathew Rice John Allen Mr. Peter Noyes Widow Mary Rice John Parmenter Mr. James Sherman Stephen Blandford John Grout, Jun. Thomas Knapp Benjamin Parmenter Sarjeant James Barnard John How.

Captain Thomas Brown John Goodenow Lieut. John Grout Ensign Jacob Brown Peter King

Lieut. Edward Wright John Rice

Mr. Thomas Walker, Sr. Thomas Reade, Sr. Deacon John Haines Lieut. Josiah Haines Sargent Joseph Freeman Corp. John Brewer Joseph Curtis Mr. Joseph Noise Joseph Moore Zachariah Maynard Sargent John Rutter Jonathan Stanhope Corp. Richard Taylor Corp. Joseph Gleason Jonathan Rice Thomas Plympton

The most of the persons thus named had allowed them a little over four pounds of powder, a little over thirty-three pounds of shot, and thirteen flints. About two years from this date, 1690, an order came to Major Elisha Hutchinson, commander of the forces, to detach " 18 able soldiers well appointed with arms and ammunition out of the several companies of his regiment to rendezvous at Sudbury upon Tuesday the 27*'' of May with six days provisions a man."

These things indicate a harassed condition of the country, and perhaps a near approach of the foe to Sudbury. Nothing, however, so forcibly sets forth the military service of the town in those times as a paper bearing no date, but found in the State Archives among others belonging to that period. The document, which is in the form of a petition, is as follows : To the honorable Governor, Deputy Governor, and to all our honored Magistrates and Representatives of the Massachusetts Colony, now sitting in General Court in Boston. The humble petition of us who are some of us for ourselves, others for our children and servants, whose names are after subscribed humbly showeth that being impressed the last winter several of us into dreadful service, where, by reason of cold and hunger and in tedious marches many score of miles in water and snow, and laying on the snow by night, having no provision but what they could carry upon their backs, beside hard arms and ammunition, it cost many of them their lives. Your humble petitioners several of us have been at very great charges to set them out with arms, and ammunition, and clothing, and money to support them, and afterwards by sending supplies to relieve them and to save their lives, notwithstanding many have lost their lives there, others came home, and which were so suffered, if not poisoned, that they died since they came from there, notwithstanding all means used, and charges out for their recovery, others so surfeited that they are thereby disabled from their callings. Likewise your humble petitioners request is that this honored court would grant this favor that our messengers may have liberty to speak in the court to open our cause so as to give the court satisfaction. Your humble petitioners humble request is farther that you would please to mind our present circumstances, and to grant us such favors as seems to be just and rational, that we may have some compensation answerable to our burden, or at least to be freed from farther charges by rates, until the rest of our brethren have borne their share with us, and not to be forced to pay others that have been out but little in respect of us, whereas the most of us have received little or nothing but have been at very great charges several of us. If it shall please this honorable General Court to grant us our petition we shall look upon ^ourselves as duty binds us ever pray.

John Haynes Sen. Thomas Walker

Joseph Noyes Sen. John Barrer Peter Haynes Sen. [or Noyes] Samuel Glover

Mathew Rice Joseph Gleason sen

John Allen Thomas Rutter

Mathew Gibbs sen Joseph Rutter

Thomas Rice Benjamin Wight

James Rice sen Peter Plympton

Joseph Curtis Israel Miller

Josiah Haynes sen. Stephen Cutts

(State Archives, Vol. XXXVI., p. 59.)

This petition presents a story of sorrow. The serviqg referred to was, it is supposed, in connection with the illfated expedition of Sir William Phipps in 1690. In this expedition Sudbury was represented by a company of men, some of whom were from Framingliam. A large force, consisting of forty vessels and two thousand men, most of whom were from Massachusetts, was fitted out for the capture of Quebec. The fleet sailed from Boston, and the land forces marched by way of Montreal and the lakes. But the great enterprise failed. Gotten up in haste, it was poorly prepared, and its militarj^ stores were but scant. Being late in the season, unfavorable weather prevailed, the small-pox set in, and the expedition came back with its object unachieved. It is said that many more died of fever after the expedition returned to Boston. But this was not all. The mone}^ in the treasur}'- was insufficient to pay the soldiers, and for the first time in the history of the country paper money was issued ; but from this the soldiers obtained only from twelve to fourteen shillings to the pound.

Years after the Phipps expedition, survivors or their heirs petitioned the Court for land grants, and received them. These lands were called Canada grants. In answer to such a petition, Sudbury received land in Maine, which was called the Sudbury Canada grant. This giant now makes the towns of Jay and Canton. (New England Historical Antiquarian Register, Vol. XXX., p. 92.) The names of the petitioners for the foregoing grant have been preserved in a paper which bears date " Oct ye 26''' 1741." The list was given in connection with what was called " A lift tax of fifteen shillings a man." A few of these names are as follows : Ward, Graves, Stone, Rice, Bridges, Newton, Walker, Woodward, Joseph Rutter, Gibbs, Peter Bent, Brewer, Samuel Paris. The petitioners were formed into a society, having Capt. Samuel Stone, treasurer, and Josiah Richardson, clerk, both of Sudbury.

Thus along from 1688 till the declaration of Peace at Ryswick, Dec. 10, 1697, there was inconvenience and loss. On the 27th of July, 1694, a detachment of the Abenakis, under the Chief Taxous, crossed the Merrimac, and assailed Groton, where the Indians killed twenty-two persons and captured thirteen. In August, 1695, a sudden descent was made on Billerica, in which fifteen persons were killed or

THE WALKER GARRISON HOUSE. See page I 99. captured. Lancaster suffered in 1692, also in 1695, and in September, 1697, the Indians again entered the town. Thus near lurked the troublesome foe, and Sudbury doubtless felt its insecurity when it learned of these savage incursions in the neighboring towns. The following record on the Town Book bears testimony to this sense of insecurity: "Also agreed to call the town together for the choice of all town officers next lecture day at twelve of the clock, and it being a troublesome time with the Indians but few appeared."

WITCHCRAFT.

Another source of disturbance towards the last of the century was the witchcraft delusion. Supposed cases had occurred before in the Massachusetts Colony, and persons had been executed whom it was said had the power to bewitch men ; but in 1692, it broke out with renewed violence, and strangely disturbed societj^ We know of no alleged cases in Sudbury ; but a person prominently connected with Salem witchcraft subsequently went to Sudbury, and dwelt there until his death. This was the Rev. Samuel Paris, the first minister of what was then Salem Village, but now the town of Danvers. In view of this fact, a few words concerning the matter and Mr. Paris', sad history may not be amiss.

The Salem witchcraft delusion began in Mr. Paris' family. During the winter of 1691-2 a compan}^ of young girls were accustomed to meet at his house and practice fortune-telling, necromancy, and magic. It is stated they attained some skill in this matter, and that after a while they ascribed to it supernatural agency. The community became alarmed, and the physician called them bewitched. Two of these girls were of Mr. Paris' household, one a daughter, the other a niece, neither of them over eleven years of age. The complaints made were similar to those made years before by the children of John Goodenow of Boston. An Indian woman named Tituba, who had been brought from New Spain, lived in Mr. Paris' family. Tituba was accused of being the witch, and of bewitching these children. She confessed, and claimed to have confederates. Had the children of Mr. Paris been unnoticed, or tlie matter brushed lightly by, perhaps it had stopped right there ; but they were pitied, and shown special attention, and new cases soon occurred. The work of accusation and suspicion went forward, and rapidly spread, until it reached fearful proportions. Scores were apprehended, tried, and condemned, until men knew not when they were safe.

The delusion was soon dispelled, and society resumed a more tranquil state ; but as the darkness broke it left bitter regrets ; for the light shone on a record as sad as any in the annals of the Massachusetts Colony. From Mr. Paris' position, as pastor of the Salem Village Church, he may have come in contact with cases in a perfunctory way which gave hhn unpleasant publicity. In 1695 a council met at Salem Village to confer about the witchcraft matter as related to Mr. Paris and his people. Shortly after this he left the church and the place. He became a trader, went to Watertown, then Concord; but his stay in each place was short. He then went to Dunstable, where for a few months he preached. He at length went to Sudbury, and died there about 1720. Thus originated the Salem witchcraft, and thus passed away the man who received notoriety by it.

Moral. Deal not with familiar spirits. "Resist the devil, and he will flee from you." Leave necromancy, magic, and all the black arts, and seek more substantial and sensible things. Mr. Paris was the son of Thomas Paris of London. He went to Harvard College, but did not remain .to graduate. Before preaching at Salem Village he preached at Stowe. He Avas twice married, his first wife dying in 1696, at about the age of forty-eight, his second wife in 1719. His first wife was buried at Danvers; her grave is marked by a headstone upon which is the following verse, after which are the initials of Mr. Paris :

Sleep Precious Dust, no stranger now to Rest, Thou hast thy longed wish, within Abraham's Brest, Farewell Best Wife, Choice Mother, Neighbor, Friend, We'll wail thee less, for hopes of thee in the end. Mrs. Paris, it is said, was a good woman. Mr. Paris left several children. His daughter Dorothy, born 1700, became the wife of Hopestill Brown of Sudbury. Another daughter married Peter Bent. His son Noyes Paris, born 1699, took his first degree at Harvard College, 1721. His other son, Samuel, was born 1702.

After Mr. Paris came to Sudbury, we conclude that for a time he taught school there. The records state, that in 1717, Mr. Samuel Paris was to teach school four months of the year at the school-house on the west side of the river, and the rest of the year at his own house. If he was absent part of the time, he was to make it up the next year. In Book III., Sudbury Records, we have the following statement, with date May 25, 1722 : " These may certify that ye 28 pounds that ye town of Sudbury agreed to give Mr. Samuel Paris late of Sudbury, for his last yeares keeping school in s"^ town, is by Mr. John Clapp treasurer for said town by his self and by his order all paid as witness my hand John Rice excuter of ye last will and Testament of ye s"! Mr. Paris."

There are graves of the Paris family in the old burjdngground at Wayland. Towards the southeast side of it stands a stone with the following inscription : " Here lyes ye Body of Samuel Paris, Who Died July 27'^ 1742 in ye 8'^ year of his age." On another stone is marked: "Here lyes ye Body of Mrs. Abigail Paris who departed this life February ye IS"' 1759 in ye 55^^ year of her age."

INCORPORATION OF FRAMINGHAM.

At the close of the century, Sudbury lost a portion of the inhabitants who dwelt upon its southern border and were identified with the town. This loss was occasioned by the incorporation of Framingham in 1700. A petition was presented to the Court in 1792-3 (State Archives, Vol. CXIII.) by these people and others, who state, that they are "persons dwelling upon sundry farms lying between Sudbury, Concord, Marlboro, Natick, and Sherborn, and westerly in the Wilderness." They say they "have dwelt there about fort}' years, and are about forty families, some having built, and some building." They also say they "have endeavored to attend public worship some at one town, some at another;" and they ask to be made a township, and have the privileges usually accorded in such cases. The Court granted the request of the petitioners, and ordered that the farms adjacent to Framingham should be annexed to the proposed new town ; and the people of Framingham having asked the Court "that the line between s*^ annexed farms and Sudbury be accepted," the request was granted. Some of tlie names attached to the petition are still familiar in Sudbury, viz. : Bent, Stone, Rice, Gleason, Walker, and How.

STATISTICS.

The population of the town toward the beginning of this period is indicated by the fact that in 1679 six tything-men were appointed, who were " to inspect from ten to thirteen families each." The following is a report made at a selectmen's meeting, in 1682, of improved land in and bordering upon the town: "Lands- of persons dwelling in the town, 3896 acres. List of lands in town of persons dwelling elsewhere up and down the country, 2522 acres. List of men's lands bordering about or near the town, amounted to 5130 acres, in which Mr. Danfortli's lands and Mr. Gookin's lands were not cast, because the contents were not certain."

These were sent, together with the list of troopers in and about town, by Deacon Haines, commissioner, to Cambridge. The list of troopers that the town clerk made a rate upon, as mentioned with date 1683, is eighteen ; and with date 1682 we have the county's money rate mentioned as follows : " The part to be collected on the east side the river, 5ibs : 4s : 5d . on the west side the river, 4'^^ : 8^ : 0^."

Some little attention was given to matters of education in this period, as indicated by a selectmen's report dated March 30, 1680. On Oct. 2, 1692, John Long was chosen as " a wrighteing school master, to teach children to wright and cast accounts." Mr. Long continued to serve the town as schoolmaster for several years.

Thus closed the century in which the town of Sudbury had its beginning. It was a diversified history, in which the light and shadow alternately played on the scene. But the power of a protecting Providence kept the j^eople safe amid eveiy trial and danger, and brought them forth with a prosperity and strength which fitted them for the important events of the future. Probably but few, if any, who were of the original grantees in 1638, entered upon the scenes of the eighteenth century; but their children and children's children were to continue their work, and project their influence into far-off years; and as we continue the narrative, and consider the subsequent events in this history, we may see how the fathers lived in their sons.

CHAPTER XV.                 page 277

1700-172.J.

Educational Advantages; Why so small. School Laws by the Province. — ^ Town Action. Grammar School; Location. Mixed Schools. Masters. School-Houses. Ecclesiastical Matters. Dismission of Rev. Mr. Sherman. Ordination of Rev. Israel Loring. Division of the Town into Two Precincts; Petitions, Remonstrances, Decision of the Court, Subsequent Action of the Town. Call of Mr. Loring by the People of the West Precinct; His Acceptance. Renewal of the Church Covenant by the People of the West Side; Subscribers Thereto. -Settlement of Rev. Mr. Cook in the East Parish. Building of a Meeting-House on the West Side; Location. Removal of the East Side Meeting-House ; New Location.

The wealth of thought they knew.

And with a toil-blest hand The path of learning, broad and free,

Sped through our favored land.

Miss Simes.

A PROMINENT feature in Sudbury at the beginning of the eighteenth century was the attention given to schools. Hitherto comparatively little had been done in this matter. As has been stated, means were provided for moral instruction, but the opportunities for acquiring more than the rudiments of secular knowledge were extremel}' meagre. The causes of this were various. It was not an educational age, there was but one college in the Massachusetts Bay Province ; teachers at that day were scarce, and without proper instruction there was but poor encouragement to establish public schools. Moreover, it was an age of economy. Careful expenditure was a necessity in that tax-burdened and impoverished period. Society was bearing the burdens incident to the waste of successive wars. Specie was scarce and commodities dear. To procure things needful for every-day life payment in country produce was often made. Sometimes town taxes were paid in wares. In 1687 the taxes of Hingliara were paid in pails. In 1693 those of Woburn were paid in shoes. Various were the expedients that the towns employed to meet necessary calls that were made upon them. No wonder that in such times schools were neglected. It would not be strange if men were unmindful of everj^ demand but those of stern necessity.

But in 1692 a law was enacted, that every town in the province having fifty householders, or upwards, should be "constantly provided of a schoolmaster to teach children and youth to read and write; and where any town or towns have the number of one hundred families or householders, there shall also be a grammar school set up in every such town, and some discreet person of good conversation, well instructed in the tongues procured to keep such school." Any town neglecting this requirement one year was liable to be fined ten pounds. In 1701 the Provincial Court passed an additional school act, stating, concerning the former one, that it was " shamefully neglected by divers towns, and the penalty thereof not required tending greatly to the nourisliment of ignorance and irreligion, whereof grevious complaint is made." For neglecting this second law the penalty was made twenty pounds. This also proved quite insufiicient for its purpose, for it was stated "many towns . . . would incur the penalty and pay for the neglect of the law rather than maintain the school required." In 1718 the Court enacted that the -fine should be thirty pounds in the case of towns that had one hundred and fifty families, forty pounds in the case of towns of two hundred inhabitants. There was certain provision made by the hiw of the province 1)}^ wliich the schoolmaster was to be maintained. He was to have a convenient house and competent salary. It was also provided that the instructor should be an actual schoolmaster; the town minister was not to act as a substitute.

Such were some of the school laws at the beginning of the eighteenth century. That thej^ affected town action is probable ; and very likely they exerted a powerful influence in procuring better schools in Sudbury. The records inform us that Jan. 1, 1702, the town voted that a rate should be made "to pay the 5 pounds the town was fined for want of a school master." This is the only time we hear of the town's receiving the penalty. On the contrary, there is ample evidence of diligent endeavor to meet the law. Nov. 17, 1701, at a town-meeting, "it was voted to choose J\Ir. Joseph Noyes as a grammar school master for one year. . . . Also cliose Mr W™ Brown and j\[r. Thomas Plympton to present the said school master unto the Rev. ministers for their approbation of him, wliich are as foUoweth, Mr. James Sherman, Mr. Joseph Esterbrooks, Mr. Swift of Framingham." This Reverend Committee duly met, and examined the candidate, and reported as follows, Nov. 21, 1701: "We the subscribers being desired by the town of Sudbury to write what we could testify in concerning the justification of Mr. Joseph Noyes of Sudbury for a legall Grammar School master, having examined the said Mi\ Joseph Noyes, we find that he hath been considerably versed in the Latin and Greek tongue, and do think that upon his dilligent revisal and recollection of what he hath formerly learned, he may be qualified to initiate and instruct the j^outh in the Latin tongue. Joseph Esterbrooks, John Swift."

On the strength of this careful approval and guarded recommendation, the successful candidate went forth to his work. He did not, however, long retain his position. For some cause not mentioned, the place soon became vacant ; and February of the same year Mr. Picher became ]Mr. Noves's successor. The contract made with Mr. Picher was as follows : " It is agreed and concluded that the town will and doth grant to pay unto Mr. Nathaniel Picher six pounds in money in course hee doth accept of the Towne's choice as to be our Grammar scool master, also for one quarter of a yeare, and to begin ye third of March next ensuing, and to serve in the place the full quarter of a yeare, one half of the time on the east side of the River, and the other half of the time on the west side of the river. This Grammar scool master chosen if he accepts and doth enter upon tlie work it is expected by the above said Towne, that he should teach all children sent to him to learn English and the Latin tongue, also writing and the art of Arithmatic." In 1TQ3 it was voted to pay Mr. Picher for service done that year twenty-eight pounds, " he deducting a months pay . . . for his being absent one month in summer time from keeping of scool, which amounth to twelfeth part of time;" "also voted and agreed as a free will, to give unto INIr. Picher two days in every quarter of his year to visit his friends, if he see cause to take up with it." In 1711, Lieut. Thomas Frink and Quartermaster Brintnall were " to agree with sum person who is well instructed in ye tongues to keep a scool." His pay was not to exceed thirty pounds.

Tliese records show something of the expense of a grammar school in the olden times; they also give hints of the cliaracter, duty, and pay of the teachers ; and of the manner of selection and examination. We have no means of knowing the proficiency attained by the pupils in those grammar schools ; but with so much careful painstaking, and so large an expenditure of mone}^ we may j)resume that something more than the mere rudiments were obtained.

The place of the school was changed from time to time. In 1702 it was voted " that the scool master should keep y^ scool on y^ west side of y^ river at y'^ house of Thomas Brintnell, which is there parte of time belonging to y^ west side of y^ river." The custom of changing the place of the school was continued for many years ; for we find the following record as late as 1722: "Voted by the town that y« scool master shall keep scool one half of y^ time on y^ west side of y^ river in Sudbury, voted by y^ town, that y^ scool master shall keep y^ first quarter at y^ scool house at y^ gravel pitt, voted by y^ town that y^ second to bee keept on y^ east side y^ river as Near y« water as may be eonveniant, voted by y^ town that y^ third quarter to be keept at y* house of Insign John Moore, voted by y* town that y^ fourth quarter to be keept at y^ house of Clark Gleason." In the year 1717, Samuel Paris was to keep school four months of the year at the school-house on the west side of the river, and at his own house the rest of the year. If he was away part of the time, he was to make it up the next year.

But in addition to these means for obtaining advanced instruction, there were schools of a simpler character. About the time that provision was made for a grammar school, we read of " masters who were to teach children to rede and Wright and cast accounts." This was done in 1701, at which time the town " voted and chose John Long and John Balcom " for the purpose just stated, and to pay them for one year thirty shillings apiece. From this time repeated reference is made in the records to schools of a primary or mixed character.

Among the schoolmasters who served before 1750, are William Brintnal, Joseph Noyes, Nathaniel Picher, Jonathan Hoar, Samuel Paris, Nathaniel Trask, Jonathan Loring, John Long, John Balcom, John Mellen, Samuel Kendall, Ephraim Curtis, and Zachery Hicks. Some of these taught for a succession of terms or years. William Brintnal taught a grammar school as late as 1733-4, and receipts are found of Samuel Kendall in 1725 and 1736.

Prior to 1700, school-house accommodations were scant. There was no school building whatever. In 1702 " the town agreed that the school should be kept at the meeting house half a quarter and the other half quarter at the house of Benjamin Morses." But it is a law of progress that improvement in one direction suggests improvement in another ; so with better schools better accommodations were sought for. Jan. 1, 1702, the " town voted and paste into an act, to have a convenient scool hous ; " also voted " that the scool house that shall be built by the town shall be set and erected as near the centre of the town, as may be conveniantly set upon the town's land;" also "that it be twenty feet m length, : : : eighteen feet in breadth, seven feet from the bottom of the cell to the top of the plate, a large chimney to be within the house, the house to be a log house, made of pine, only the cells to be of white oak bord and shingles to be covered with. Also the chimney to be of stone to the mortling and finished with brick. This was paste into an act and vote Jan. 15"^ 1701-2." At another meeting it was decided " that there should be two scool houses ; " that they should be of the same dimensions; and "that the one on the east side should be set near to Enoch Cleavland's dwelling house." It was afterwards voted that " the scool houses should be builte by a general town acte and that the selectmen should make a rate of money of 20 pounds for their erection." One of the houses was to be placed " by Cleafflands and the other near unto Robert Mans." In 1711 the town voted to have but one school-house, and this school-house was to be built at "ye gravel pitt." " Y^ scool house " here mentioned was '' to be 20 foot long, 16 foot wide, six foot studd, nine foot and a half sparrl. Ye sills to be white oak ye outside, to be horded, and ye bords to be feather edge. Ye inside to be birch and horded with Ruff bords, lower and uper flower to be bord and a brick Chemne, and two glass windows 18 Enches square pe"" window, and the Ruffe to be borded and shino-led." It was to be ready for a school by the last of May, 1712. Joseph Parmenter was to make it, and have for pay fourteen pounds.

The evidence is that the desire for school privileges spread, and that the extremity of the town soon sought for increased advantages. April 17, 1719, the town was called upon " to see if it will grant the North west quarter of the towns petition, they desiring the school master some part of the time with them."

The above records comprise the most important ones relating- to schools during this period. As we leave these educational matters, some reflections arise concerning their relation to the town's future and far-reaching history. They were the beginnings of great and long-lasting influences. Those humble houses of the early New England schools were the town's nurseries of useful knowledge. In them minds were disciplined for that active period which, before the century closed, was to shape the country's career, and make of the colonies a great cluster of states. What a work was wrought within them ! What responsibility was upon those who had charge of these far-back beginnings ! We have found nothing on the records to indicate what methods were employed in governing or teaching ; but there is abundant room for the supposition that those who founded and those who taught these schools feared God ; and that they considered his Word a book suitable to be read and taught in all places of learning. No wonder, that, with such a beginning, our common schools have had such great success ; and that the influences that survived those times, manners, and men should have such large and lasting results.

ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS.

As in educational matters, so in those pertaining to the church, we find the period prolific in change. Great and important events transpired relating to the meeting-house, the minister, and the people. The first change was the dismission of the pastor. On May 22, 1705, the pastoral relation between Rev. James Sherman and the people of Sudbury was dissolved. But not long was the church left pastorless. The same 3xar of Mr, Sherman's removal a town-meeting was held, in which it was voted "y' y^ town will chose a man to preach ye word of God unto us for a quarter of a year." The Rev. Israel Loring was chosen for the term mentioned. He began to preach in Sudbury, Sept. 16, 1705 ; and the result was he was ordained as pastor, Nov. 20, 1706.

After the settlement of Mr. Loring ecclesiastical matters were not long in a quiet state. A new subject soon engrossed public attention. There was an attempt made to divide the town into two parochial precincts. The west side people doubtless loved the little hillside meeting-house, about which were the graves of their friends, and whose history was associated with so much of their own. Their fondness for it had doubtless increased as the years passed by, and there clustered about it memories of things the sweetest and the saddest that had entered into their checkered experience. Here their children had been oifered in baptism ; here had been the bridal and the burial, the weekly greetings and partings, the exchange of intelligence of heart and home. It had been the place for prayer and the preached word; a place of watch and ward, and a place of resort in times of danger. But notwithstanding their fondness for the sacred spot, they were too practical a people to allow sentiment to interfere with their true progress, and what they believed to be their spiritual good. With their slow means of transit, and the rough roads of that period when at their best, it was a long and weary way they had to travel eveiy Sabbath day; but when the roads became blocked with the drifting snow, or the river was swollen with floods, then it was sometimes a perilous undertaking to reach the east side meeting-house and return. In that primitive period the people of Sudbury did not desire even a good excuse to keep them from public worship ; they were Puritanic in both precept and practice. They would allow no small obstacle to cheat their soul of its rights ; but if there were hinderances in the way to their spiritual helps, they required their immediate removal.

Hence, a movement was inaugurated to divide the town, und make of it two precincts, in each of which there should be a church. A primary act for the accomplishmfent of this purpose was to obtain the consent of the General Court. To do this a petition was presented, which, as it tells its own story, and sets forth the entire case, we will present:

Petition of the West Side people of Sudbury to Governor Dudley and the General Assembly. The petition of us who are the subscribers living on ye west side of Sudbury great River Humbly showeth that wereas ye All wise and over Ruling providence of ye great God, Lord of Heaven and Earth who is God blessed forever moore, hath cast our lott to fall on that side of the River by Reason of the flud of watare, which for a very great part of the yeare doth very much incomode us and often by extremity of water and terrible and violent winds, and a great part of the winter by ice, as it is at this present, so that wee are shut up and cannot come forth, and many times when wee doe atempt to git over our flud, we are forced for to seek our spiritual good with the peril of our Lives. Beside the extreme Travill that many of us are Exposed unto sum 3:4:5:6 miles much more than a Sabbath days Jurney, by Reason of these and many more objections, to many here to enumerate, whereby many of our children and little ones, ancient and weak persons, can very Rarly attend the public worship. The considered premises we truly pray your Excellency and ye Honorable Council and House of Representatives to consider and compassionate us in our Extreme suffering condition, and if we may obtain so much favor in your Eyes as to grant us [our presents] as to appoint us a Commity to see and consider our circumstances and make report thereof to this honorable Court. And your pore petitioners shall ever pray.

Sudbury, January 15th 1706/7

John Goodnow	John Haynes. Jr.
John Haines	Robert Man his mark
John Brigham	Benjamin Wright
William Walker	David Haynes
George Parmenter	Prefer Haines
David How	Thomas Brintnal
George Parmenter, Jr.	Edward Goodnow his mark
Joseph Parmenter	Ephraim Garfield, his mark
John Brigham	Thomas Smith, Junior
Samuel Willis	Jonathan Rice
Joseph Willis
Richard Sanger
JTho : Smith
Joseph Hayes [Haynes]
Timothy Gibson, Jr.
Joseph F. Jewel (his mark)
Isaac Mellen
Melo C. Taylor, (his mark)
John Balcom
Joseph Balcom

(State Archives, Vol. II., p. 221.)

The committee chosen humbly showeth,

That whereas a petition hath been presented to this Hon. Court in their late session by a Small number of persons Dwelling on the westerly side of the river in Sudbury, (though Privately carried on)

Praying that these may be a precinct by themselves &c. we do Humbly offer to your Judicious consideration

That the number thus Petitioning is but Small and that others Inhabiting on the westerly side of said River a number near Equal to them, Do oppose the same Looking on such a motion by their neighbors att this Time Especially to be Unseasonable and unreasonable, considering 1.) the Great Expense that we have of Late been att: Occasioned by the deposition of our Late, and the Settling of our Present Minister. (2.) The vast Expenses attending the same, calls and may call for. Obliges us to Request that the Division Petitioned for, may be suspended, we deem ourselves incapable of affording,

1st Two Orthodox minister's Gospel maintainance, 2nd we are Ready to afford to our neighbors what help we can in making the Causway, (so much complained of) passible in ordinary floods, by allotting to every man his quota or proposition to raise, which would be much for the Benefit of Travellers, as well as ourselves.

Finally there are also some of those who now petition for division : that did complain, and declare that the Salary granted to our present minister was so Great that the town was not able to perform it, and if they Plead their remoteness from the public worship of God: we humbly offer that if the meeting house be placed in the Centre of the Inhabitants on the westerly side of the river (where we may expect it will be), many of their dwellings will be as Remote from the meeting house as they are now, We might bring many more objections which might be of weight, but shall add no more, but leave these to the Judicious consideration of this Honourable Courte, and follow these our Representatives with our petitions to the High Court of Heaven, that this Honouable Court may be so directed in this and in every affair before them, that Gods Glory and the Prosperity of Religion may be promoted, and we, your most humble and obedient servants, may have ever cause to pray &c.

Sudbury. October. 29th: 1707.

Joseph Noyes, James Barnard, '

Thomas Plympton, Noah Clapp,

Samuel King.

(State Archives, Vol. II., p. 227.) 287

The following names are signed to tiie original document

WEST SIDE INHABITANTS.

Hop" Browne Tho': Plymton Sam'i Wright, Joseph Goodenow John Moore Matt* Gibbs Noah Clapp Joseph Stanhope John Gibbs William Arnold Tho^ Read Ju'' Josiah Hayden Go° Steenens Tho'' Cuttler John Rice

widow Sarah Bowker Benj Moore Nath"Rice wid : Arabella Read John Burk Ephranin Pratt Peter Plymton Tho^ Read Joshua Hayns

A True Coppy

EAST SIDE INHABITANTS.

John Rice Joseph Gleason S" Matt* Stone Sam" Graves Jo' Chamberlim Jo' Moore S" Jo' Moore Jo' Noyes Jo" Long Benj parmento'' Isaac Stanhope John AUin John Parmintor Edmund Rice Matt* Rice her mark James Brewer Nat" Moore Tho' Brown Ephaaim Rice Isaac Gleason John Graues John Grout James Ross Tho' ffrinke Geron Jennison Ebe' Rice Sam"Allin Jon' Rice Joseph Gleason J"" John abbutt John Adams Sam'^ King Jon* Griffin Ephraim Curtiss John Loker Tho' Moore

After hearing both petition and remonstrance, the Court ordered that a committee should be sent, and report what the case required. This committee was made up of Capt. Samuel Checkley, [Capt.] Thomas Oliver, and Capt. Jonas Bond. These parties " were to join with such as the honourable board should nominate, and they were to go upon the parish and hear what was for or against, notifying the town at least a week beforehand." John Phillips and Joseph Lynde, Esq., were named a committee of the board for the office aforesaid, and the petitioners were to pay the charges of the committee. The report of these parties was rendered May 13, 1708. It was in substance, that they considered "• the thing was necessary to be done, but their opinion is, tliat now by reason of the [grievous] times not so conveniant."

But the petitioners were not to be baffled by an answer like this. Accordingly, again they presented their case by another petition, dated May 26, 1708-9. This second petition sets forth the case thus :

The Humble Petition of Several of the Inhabitants of the town of Sudbury, on the west side of the River.

To Court session assembled May 26* 170| showeth that your Petitioners lately by their Petition to the Great and General Assembly, represented the hardships & Difficulties they Labored when by reason of their distance from the meeting house and the difficulty of getting over the water and Some times Impossibility, there being three hundred and sixty five on that side and sometimes in the winter not one of them can possibly go to meeting, the East and West sides are Equal in their payments to the minister and therefore praying they might be made a Precinct and have a meeting house and minister of their side of the River, wherupon the petition was refered to a committee who upon Consideration of the premises (as your petitioners are Informed) have made a Report to this Great and General assembly that the thing was necessary to be done, but their opinion is that now by reason of Troublesome Times not so Conveniant.

Your [Petitioners] thereupon humbly pray that this great and General assembly would please to Grant them the Prayer of their petition, that they may be Empowered to build a meeting house and have a minister settled on their side, in such time as to this Great and General Assembly shall seem meet and YoJ" Petitioners (and as in duty bound) shall pray, John Brigham, John Balcom. In behalf of ye rest.

This petition was more successful, and obtained, in part at least, what it sought ; and the following, read in council, the 28th of May, 1708, and read a second time and concurred in, June 24th, the same year, was ordered: Notwithstanding the present difficulties represented by the committee, If the Inhabitants on West side the River think themselves able to Erect a meeting House and support a minister and shall present a Subscription to this Court amounting to fifty pounds per annum for his maintenance during the first seven years,

That then the Prayer of their Petition be Granted, to bee a Parish or Precinct by themselves. And that they have liberty to erect a meeting house for the Public worship of God, and to invite and procure a Learned Orthodox minister of good conversation to preach to them.

Always Saving Inviolate, and in no ways Infringing the Contract and agreement of the Town made with Mr. Loring, the present minister, and his maintenance, to be duly paid him accordingly, until the Town in General shall make other Provision or the Court take further Order.

But, although the petitioners received permission to buikl a meeting-house, years elapsed before they availed themselves of the privilege. Meanwhile the subject was more or less agitated. Various measures for the adjustment of matters were proposed, and failed. At one time there was action by the town, at another by the Court. In 1712-13 there was a town-meeting, " to see if the town will do any thing to bring the house into y^ center of y^ town, or within a quarter of a mile of y^ centre, or as near y^ centre as may be conveniant, y^ town of Sudbury being seven miles long, and y^ meeting liouse as it now standeth but about a mile and half from y^ east end of said town."

In December, 1715, a committee was appointed by the Court, who assigned a place for the meeting-house. Tradition states that a spot about a mile northeasterly of Sudbury Centre, and not far from the Thomas Plympton estate, was once designed for the meeting-house. This may have been the place assigned by the committee of 1715. In 1720 the town voted to remain an entire town ; to have a meetinghouse on the west side of the river sufficiently large to accommodate all, and to have it built at or near the Gravel Pit.

June 9, 1721, it was ordered by the General Court that "a new meeting house be erected, built, and finished upon the place assigned by a committee assigned by y® s"^ Court, in Dec. 1715, and that y^ old meeting house be put into good repair." At a town-meeting, Dec, 26, 1721, held at the house of Mr. George Pitts, it was agreed " to grant 24 pounds for preaching for the present on the westerly side of the river." It was also decided at that meeting to choose a committee to present a petition to the General Court, "that y« west side inhabitants may have liberty to place their meeting house on y^ rocky plaine ; " which request was granted.

The preliminary work of forming two parochial precincts was now completed; it only remained to adjust ecclesiastical relations to the new order of things, and provide whatever was essential to its success. The church was to be divided, ministers secured, and a meeeting-house built. All these came about in due time. After the decision, in December,

1721, ''to have the preaching of the word amongst us," and the granting of money to meet the expense. Rev. Mr. Minot was invited to preach six Sabbaths in the west precinct. It may be that about this time Mr. Loring preached some on the west side, since on the town debt, as recorded April 9,

1722, there stands this statement : "To Mr. Israel Loring to y^ supporting y^ ministry on both [sides] y^ river in Sudbury 80. 0. 0."

But more permanent arrangements were soon made. On the 6th of June, 1722, they extended a call to Rev. Israel Loring, and offered "XlOO for his settlement." July 10, Mr. Loring responded to the invitation in the follo\^ing words: " To the Inhabitants of the west Precinct in Sudbury : I accept of the kind invitation you have given me to come over and settle and be the minister of the Westerly Precinct." A few days after the above invitation the east side invited him to remain with them, and took measures to provide for " their now settled minister, Mr. Israel Loring." The day after replying to the first invitation, he wrote to the east side people informing them of his decision to leave them and settle in the west precinct. Mr. Loring moved to the west side, July 25, 1723. (Stearns' Collection.) He lived about a mile toward the north part of the town, in what was afterwards an old red house, on the William Hunt place that was torn down some years since. He subsequently lived at the centre, on what is known as the Wheeler Haynes place.

THE LORING PARSONAGE, Sudbury Centre. The church records by Mr. Loring state as follows: " Feb. 11, 1723. The church met at mj'- house, where, after the brethren on the east side had manifested their desire that the church might be divided into two churches, it was so voted by majority." At the time of the division of the church, the number of communicants on the west side was thirty-two males and forty-two females. (Steams' Collection.) The Church Records went into the possession of the West Parish. On March 18, 1724-5, the west side people "entered into and renewed" a "holy church covenant," to which were subscribed the following names :

Israel Loring David Haynes.

Hopestill Brown Peter Plympton.

James Haynes Sen'' Noah Clap

John Clap Senr Ephraim Pratt

Thomas Read Senr Joseph Noyes

Peter Hayces. John Moore.

Benjaman Wright, Daniel Estabrooke

Joseph Goodenow Hopestill Brown Jun.

John Rice, James Craige,

Samuel Willis. Joseph Brown.

Thomas Read Jun. Jonah Haynes.

John Brigham, Micah Stone.

John Haynes. Ebenezer Dakin. out of town.

David Parmenter, John Clap Jr.

Joseph Gibbs, dismissed, Peter Noyes,

David Maynard. James Haynes.

While ecclesiastical matters were in process of adjustment on the West side, they were progressing towards a settlement on the East side also. It is stated that the East Precinct was organized June 25, 1722. (Temple.) When the effort to secure the services of Mr. Loring proved futile, a call was extended to Rev. William Cook, a native of Hadley, Mass., and a graduate of Harvard College. The call being accepted, Mr. Cook was ordained March 20, 1723, and continued their pastor until his death, Nov. 12, 1760. (See period 17501775.) The town granted eighty pounds to support preaching on both sides of the river for half a year. NEW MEETING-HOUSES.

An important matter in connection with the new order of things was the erection of new meeting-houses. This work received prompt attention. "At a town meeting January 22: 172f the town granted five hundred pounds to build a new meeting liouse on the west side, and repair the old one on the east side, three hundred and eighty pounds for the new, and one hundred and twenty pounds for the repairing the old on the east side." The sum for repairing the old house was at a subsequent meeting made one hundred and fifty pounds. That this grant of the town was followed up by speedy action is indicated by the following receipt, dated Sudbury, May 31, 1725 :

Received of Deacon Noah Clap treasurer for the town of Sudbury, ten pounds four shillings and four pence, in full of all accounts relating to the building of the new meeting house in the west precinct of said Sudbury.

This ten pounds, four shillings, and four pence, and former receipts of money, making the sum of four hundred pounds, we say received by us. Abraham Wood,

Joseph Dakin.

The meeting-house in the West Precinct was placed on the site of the present Unitarian Church in Sudbury Center. The location was probably selected because central to the inhabitants of the West Precinct. The following town record is interesting, not only because it relates to the location of the meeting-house, but to other familiar landmarks in the vicinity :

Sudbury. June 1-2:1725. laid out to the right of Briant Pendleton, sixteen acres and one hundred and forty rods on and adjoining to the Pine Hill, near to and Northwesterly of the meeting house on Rocky Plain in the west precinct in said Sudbury, southerly partly by a highway, or road leading from Pantry towards Mr. Wood's mills (at South Sudbury), along by said meeting house, partly by land laid out for a burying place and accommodations for and about said meeting house, and partly by Lancaster road, westerly by land claimed by the Grouts and northerly bounded by land claimed by James Craigs. In part and partly by land claimed by the Maynards, and easterly bounded by said Maynards land. There is no evidence that when the West side meetinghouse was built there was so much as a humble hamlet at Rocky Plain. The presence there at that time of a single house is all that is indicated by tradition or record. In several instances the records state something about " y^ new house on rocky plain." In May, 1722, there was a townmeeting at the new house on Rocky Plain. Oct. 11, 1722, "a meeting was held at the new house on rocky plain " to attend to matters relating to a new meeting-house. The first town-meeting that was held in the new church edifice was on Aug. 5, 1723. At that time it was voted to have the warnings for town-meetings for the future posted on both sides of the river at the two houses of worship.

Near the spot selected for the meeting-house was the burying-ground set apart by " y^ Proprietors of y^ undivided lands " in 1716-17. (See p. 121.) This reservation may have influenced the people in the selection of Rock}^ Plain for the new meeting-house ; and the erection of the meetinghouse there probably determined the location of the central village of the West Precinct, and in later years of the town of Sudbury. Furthermore, if the town at this time had decided to remain one parish, and erected a meeting-house near the Gravel Pit, for the accommodation of all, the principal village would have been gathered in that locality, and the town might have remained undivided to this day.

After the setting off of the West parish, it was considered advisable to move the East side meeting-house nearer the centre of the East Precinct. Jan. 29, 1721-2, "-the town by a vote showed its willingness and agreed to be at the charge to pull down y^ old meeting house and remove it south and set it up again." At the same meeting they chose a committee to petition the General Court for permission. In a paper dated Dec. 28, 1724, and signed by JNIr. Jennison, Zechariah Heard, and Phineas Brintnal, it is stated that they were " the committee who pulled down and removed the old meeting house in the East Precinct of Sudbury." About 1725 was recorded the following receipt: "Received of Mr. John Clap, late treasurer of the town of Sudbury, the sum of four hundred pounds in full, granted by said town to carry on the building of a meeting house in the East Pre- ^ cinct in said town. We say received by us, Joshua Haynes, '-^ Ephraim Curtis, John Noyes, Samuel Graves, Jonathan Rice, Committee." This building was located at what is now Wayland Centre, on the corner lot just south of the old Town House. The town instructed the committee "to make it as near as they can like the new house in the West Precinct, except that the steps "are to be hansomer : " it was also to have the same number of pews. There is on record the following description of material used for one of the pulpits, together with the price :

Seaming fringe = 10 =

4 Tassels. 1=4 =

2 yards very fine Silk Plush 2 = = 0.

If yds Tickn for the Cush^ == 7 = 7.

4 lbs. finest feathers, a. | ^ : = 11 = 3.

Making Cushn Pill & filling = 1 = 6.

Thus at last both precincts were provided with new meeting-houses, and a matter was settled that had occasioned much interest and more or less activity for nearly a quarter of a century. Doubtless participants in the affair at the beginning and during its progress had passed away, and before its settlement worshipped in a temple not made with hands, whose Builder and Maker is God. The intercourse between the two precincts was pleasant, and for a while the ministers exchanged once a month. For years the salaries of the two pastors were equal, and again and again is there a receipt on the town book for eighty pounds for each.

CHAPTER XVI.                 page 295

1700-1725.

Queen Anne's War; Attendant Hardships. Father Ralle's War; Eastern Expedition, List of Sudbury Soldiers. Ranger Service; Its Nature. Death of Samuel Mossman. Imperilled Condition of Rutland. Death of Rev. Joseph Willard by the Indians. Petition for Assistance. List of Sudbury Soldiers at Rutland. Captain Wright's Letter. Lieut. William Brintnall ; His Letter. Province Loans. River Meadow. Causeway. Roads. Miscellaneous.

Straggling rangers, worn with dangers. Homeward faring, weary strangers

Pass the farm-gate on their way ; Tidings of the dead and living. Forest march and ambush giving, Till the maidens leave their weaving,

And the lads forget their play.

Whittier.

While ecclesiastical matters were in process of adjustment in Sudbury, and business was being transacted to further the blessed gospel of peace, the community was again stirred by the rude sounds of strife. The red hand of war was once more outstretched for destruction, and requisitions for both material and men were again made on the New England towns. The first war of the period was Queen Anne's, so called from Anne of Denmark, who had ascended the throne of Great Britain. It was waged between England and France, and, like that of King William, continued about ten years. The province, to an extent, conducted the war by campaigns. In 1704, Col. Benjamin Church marched to make an attack on Acadia. He commanded a force of about five hundred men, and designed also to attack the Indians of the

295 Penobscot and Passamaquody. In 1710 an expedition was formed, commanded b}^ General Nicholson, whicli recovered Port Royal. In 1711 a campaign Avas arranged for the capture of Quebec. For these, and other warlike undertakings, the resources of the provincial towns were drawn upon ; and the taxation, deprivation, and loss attendant on these successive drafts became a grievous burden.

Daring these years Sudbury had its part to bear. Although, being removed from the border it did not suffer attack, it had seasons of suspense. In 1706 it was rumored that a large force was coming to New England ; and Chelmsford, Groton, and Sudbur}' were alarmed. The next year the enemy approached Groton and Marlboro, but still left Sudbury unmolested. The town is mentioned in a province resolve of May, 1704-5, where it is ordered " that such and so many of the soldiers enlisted in the military companies and troops within the respective towns and districts herein after named, shall each of them at [his] own charge be provided with a pair of good serviceble snow shoes, mogginsons, at or before the tenth of November this present 3'ear, which they shall keep in good repair and fit for the service." (State Archives, Vol. I., p. 247.)

The testimony of the town concerning the hardship of the period is given in a protest before quoted, in which the people set forth, as a reason why the parish should not be divided, " the Vast Expenses which the present wars and expeditions attending the same calls and may call for."

Peace came in 1713, by the treaty made at Utrecht, and for a time tlie land had rest.

But the cessation of Indian hostilities that followed Queen Anne's War and the Peace of Utrecht was not long continued. The war-path was soon again to be trod by the savage, and his freshl}^ made trail was to be followed by the white man to bring back the captives or recover the spoil. The cause of the second war of this period was the encroachments of the savage tribes in the east. The Indians in the eastern part of the province (Maine), instigated, as is supposed, by the Governor General of Canada, and by the Jesuits coming among them, sought to prevent English inhabitants from a reoccLipation of the former settlements. For this object, the Cape Sable and Penobscot Indians joined with the tribes of the Kennebeck and Saco.

This savage alliance meant hardship to the frontier whites. Predatory bands of the foe lurked in the dark woodlands, and parts of the province were again kept on the watch. Sudbury was in no instance assailed, but its soldiers did service in other parts. It had men in the eastern expedition, which was fitted out in 1724, to operate against the Indians on the Kennebeck. Upon this river, at Norridgewock, there was an Abenaki village, which had been to the English a source of trouble, and it was determined to destroy it. When the troops arrived, the place was found in an unguarded condition. Ralle, the Jesuit missionary, who had been the chief instigator of the Indian atrocities, fell dead in the furious affray. The chiefs Mogg and Boraazeen also perished, and the tribe was vanquished. Among the soldiers in the eastern expedition are the following, who were in three different companies :

Elijah Willis, Jas. Maynard,

Isaac Rice, Bartho Stephenson,

John Gould, Sargent, Joseph Woodward,

John Barker, Clerk, Nathan Walker. Thomas Gates.

(State Archives, Vol. XCIIL, pp. 131-46.)

RANGER SERVICE.

Sudbury rendered the country service, not only by its soldiers in the conspicuous campaign, but also by its rangers in a less ostensible service, made up of such marchings and scoutings as helped to harass and hinder the foe. They ranged the frontier as a faithful border guard, and stood between homestead and savage invaders, who lurked ready to swoop down on the defenseless home, and make captive or kill the inmates.

In this service one of the Sudbury men lost his life under peculiarly sad and touching circumstances. Says the narrator : "At evening one of our men viz: Samuel Mossman of Sudbury, being about encamping, took hold of his gun that stood among some Bushes, drew it towards liim with the muzzle towards him, some Twigg caught hold of the Cock, the Gun went off and shot him through, he died immediately." (Letter of John White to the authorities. State Archives, Vol. LXXII., p. 230.) Thus a lone grave in the wilderness was prepared for a soldier of Sudbury. What other instances of accident, hardship, and loss may have been sustained in service like this, there are none now to relate ; but the very nature of this border warfare is suggestive of hardship, of hair-breadth escapes, of exposure to wilderness perils, to rough weather and the tricks of a war}^ foe.

One place in which Sudbury soldiers did valuable service at this time was Rutland. This town was frontier territory, and for thirty years had suffered more or less from savage incursions. As has been noticed, it was settled largely by people from Sudbury (see Chap. IX.); and naturally the town would be interested in their kinsmen or former citizens.

About the time of which we write, several of the inhabitants had been killed or captured. Among the former was their minister. Rev. Joseph Willard. The circumstances attending this death were peculiarly sad. Mr. Willard had been called to the ministry of the Rutland church, and was to have been ordained in the fall. One da}^ in August, being out with his gun hunting, or to collect fodder for his cattle, he was suddenly beset by two Indians. They fired upon hira, but without effect. He returned the fire, wounding one of them ; the other closed in for a hand-to-hand fio-ht, when three more Indians came to his assistance, and together they gained the mastery, and killed and scalped their victim.

Such was the exposed condition of the early settlers at Rutland in this gloomy period. February, 1724-5, they sent a petition to Governor Dummer for help, in which they stated that "the summer previous they laboured under great difficulty & hardship by reason of the war with the Indian enemy, and not being able to raise their corn and other provisions, so that thej were obliged to travel near twenty miles for the same, and purchase it at a very dear rate, whicli render it very difficult to subsist themselves and their families, more especially ye soldiers posted there." They desired that more might be added to the five soldiers already allowed them.

This indicates the imperilled condition of the place. Predatory bands were lurking about it. The woodlands were a covert from which the savage might suddenly sally, and in whose dark forest retreat he might safel}' secure his prey. At any time the people might suffer attack. Their harvest, their homes, their households, were alike liable to be devastated and swept away. But strong men were sent to defend them, stout hearts were soon there ; and to a large extent these came from the town of Sudbury. Again and again were detachments sent from the place. Some of the soldiers for this service were under the command of Capt. Samuel Willard. In his journal he speaks of mustering at the town of Lancaster one day, and moving on to Rutland the next ; of layiug by in foul weather, of marching back and forth through the conntry, and of seeing and following the signs of Indians. The service spoken of was from July to August, 1725. In the course of his narrative he speaks of William Brintnall being sick, and of David How being lame, both of whom he sent home. (State Archives, Vol. XXXVIII., pp. 109, 110.) These two men were soldiers from Sudbur3\ Another commander under whom the Sudbury soldiers served was Capt. Samuel Wright, (See p. 170.) On a muster-roll of Captain Wright, read in Council, June 17, 1724, are the following names of Sudbury men who had served for several months :

Daniel How, Lieut. Hugh Ditson,

Corp. Joseph Bennet, Wm Thompson,

John Norcross, Gentl. • Jona Stanhope,

Isaac Gibbs, Daniel Bowker.

Amnill Weeks, servant to Samuel Stevens.

In another muster-roll, consented to in 1724, are the following names : Samuel How, Sergt. Joseph Bennet, Corp. Hiigli Ditson, William Thompson, John Ross, son to James Ross, Amnil Weeks, servant to Samuel Stevens. In another muster-roll of Captain Wright, examined in 1725, are the names of Serg. Daniel How, Mark Voice [Vose], Daniel Mackdonald, Richard Burk. Other rolls examined in 1725 have the names of Daniel Bowker, Abner Cutler, Charles Adams, Elias Parmenter, and Begin, a Natic Indian. (State Archives, Vol. XCI.)

It was in the year 1724 that an occurence took place which shows the perils of the times, and the nature of the service to which our rangers were called. Saj^s Captain Wright in a letter to the Court :

These are to inform your Honors that what I feared is come upon us for want [of men] to guard us at our work, this day about 12 o'clock five men and a boy [were] making hay in the middle of the town.

A number of Indians surrounded them and shot first at the boy which alarmed the men, who ran for their guns, but the Indians shot upon them, and kept them from their guns, and shot down three of the men and wounded another in the arm, who got home, the fifth got home without any damage.

The men that are killed are James Clark, Joseph Wood, Uriah Ward, the boy missing is James Clark.

(State Archives, Vol. LXXII.)

This matter-of-fact report of Captain Wright is vividly suo-o-estive of the nature of that period. The border settlements knew not when they were safe. There was poor encouragement to sow if a foe might destroy the harvest or keep the husbandman from its safe ingathering. Yet so it was. Spring with its sunshine and showers might warm and mellow the soil, the field be well sown, the midsummer ripen the crops, and the time of harvest promise gladness and plenty. A noontide stillness rests on the fruitful fields. The warm, mellow haze of the early autumnal day euAvraps nature about, and the landscape is tranquil in the mild air of a New England Fall. All is quiet, save for the motion of the busy harvesters as, moving about amid the rustling maize, they cut the stalks or gather the corn. But the whole scene may suddenly change ; like the haymakers mentioned by Captain Wright, so these harvesters, all unconscions of what is near, may be startled Ijy the rushing of savage feet, and, before they can make any defense, be slain or carried captive to a far-off place.

Before the service closed, William Brintnall, whose name has been prominent on the muster-lists, was assigned to the leadership of the little company who was to guard Rutland, sfoino- there as lieutenant. The following is a letter written by him to the Governor :

Rutland, August 19th 1725. Honored sr. After my duty to you presented, these are to inform your Honors, that by virtue of the Order I received from you to go to Rutland in quest of the Indian Enimies, and Scout about the meadow, with twelve volunteers, I have accordingly obeyed said orders, by having the twelve men. Eight of which are Capt. Willard's men, and Four who I Enlisted and came to Rutland with these on friday Last, and have Ever since scouted and guarded the meadow, for ye people in their getting of hay, we have discovered no signs of Indians as yet, but Expect them dayly, for Ensign Stephens is arrived with his son from Canada, and saith that ye [there] was a company designed for New England, when he came from Canada, he intends to be at Boston with your Honor on Monday next, all at present. I remain jour Honor's Ever Devoted Lieut. W^' Brintnall.

The new men who I enlisted are

Sam"ii Goodenow, Paul Brintnall,

Benj. Dudley, Jonathan Bent.

Capt. Willard's men are

William Brintnall, Joshua Parker,

Danel How, Jacob Moore,

Cyprian Wright, James Nutting,

Delivce Brooks, Thomas Lamb. (State Archives, Vol. LXXIL, p. 258.)

According to the muster-roll of Sergeant Brintnall, he and his company of volunteers served from Aug. 17, 1725. Their pay was four shillings per day, the time of service ten weeks and two days, and their duty to serve as a guard about Rutland. William Brintnall taught school in Sudbury shortly before his enlistment in the above service. On the town book is the following record: " Received of the Constable of Sudbury, by order of the town Treasurer, all that was Due to me for keeping the school in the year 1722: 1723: 1724. Signed per William Brintnall Sudbur}', Sept. 8, 1726." One of the last prominent militaiy acts of this period was the disastrous defeat of John Lovewell of Dunstable, by the Pigvvackets, at the present town of Fryeburg, Me. At about this date the tribes ceased hostilities. For a time the warpath was abandoned, and it was again safe for the defenseless traveller to take the forest trail.

PROVINCE LOANS.

In order to meet the exigencies of the times, in the year 1721 the General Court issued a loan to the amount of fifty thousand pounds. This was to be distributed amoiig the several provincial towns, in what were called bills of credit. The distribution was according to the taxes paid by the towns, and was to be returned to the public treasury within a certain length of time. That Sudbury took her share of the loan is indicated by several payments which were successively made and a record of receipts received. Of these the following is a specimen :

Boston August 2 : 1720. Received of the Trustees of the town of Sudbury by Mr. Daniel Haynes, one hundred and one pounds, twelve shillings, being the first fifth part of their proportion to the ;/^oO,000. Loan.

Per. Allen, Treasurer.

From time to time other fifths were paid, and receipts rendered therefor, until Aug. 12, 1730, when the last fifth was paid, and a receipt in ftdl was received. The loan of 1721 was followed by another a few years later to the amount of sixty thousand pounds. The order authorizing it was enacted in 1728, and was called "an act for raising and settlingpublic revenues for and defraying the necessary charges of the government by an emission of ,£60,000 in bills of credit." (Felt's " Historical Account of Massachusetts Currency," p. 81.) Sudbury had a share in this loan also.

While the attention of the people in this period was largely engrossed with educational, ecclesiastical, and military matters, the regular, routine business of the town was not neglected. Aug. 11, 1702, "it was voted, that the Towne would send a pettione to the general- cort concerning our River meadows, that are much damnified by reason of many stoppages, that the Generall Cort would ease us of our tax, or choose a committee to see if it may be helpt, the pettione to be sined in the name of tlie towne." This vote was carried out, and a petition was sent to the Court jointly by Concord and Sudbury. In it they state that they had sustained

Grate damage by reason of the water lying on sd meadow whereby they are much straitened and incapacited to bear Town and county charges, and maintain of their families, and something hath been done in order to the Lowering of the water by Removing Rocks and bars of sand, and formerly there hath been a committe sent up by the general court to view the sd meadow, and they have found the stoppage of water may be cleared, but by reason of different apprehensions it hath Layne ever since, we therefore humbly pray the Honi Court that it impower a committee to see that the work be done forthwith, that so the present opportunity may not be neglected, and to set us a way that those persons concerned in sd meadow may beare an equal proportion in sd work. The court resolved to appoint a committee of persons in Concord, Subbury and Billerica fully empowered to order and determine what may be necessary for clearing sd meadow.

In 1710 the town voted to .petition the General Court to make the long causeway "a county road." Feb. 22, 1714-15, it was requested "to see what method the town will take for mending and raising the causeway from the Town Bridge to Lieut. Daniel Haynes." On June 2, 1720, it was requested " to see if the town will raise the causeway from the Gravel pit as far as Capt. Haynes'es old place, proportionally to the aforesaid Long Causeway when mended."

Feb. 25, 1714-15, the town ordered that it would choose a committee of three men to join with Concord to view the obstructions and stopages in the great river.

In 1723-4 a way was laid out from Lanham to the west meeting-house. According to the records, " the latter part of said way, bounded as follows, viz. through the ministerial land, near the southwesterly corner, and so on, something northwesterly. From thence it went, in a straight line, to Nathaniel Rice's, and so northerly, to the highway leading to Lancaster, near the new meeting house." It is now known as the Old Graves Road, so called from a house which stood just south of the Old Lancaster Road, at its intersection with this one.

Dec. 14, 1715, the town voted that " there be a horse bridge built on Assabeth river : : : and that the selectmen do order that ye bridge be erected and built over assabath river between ye land of Timothy Gilson and Thomas Burt's land." In 1717-18 the town voted that it would have '• a New bridge built over Sudbury river where the old bridge now stands, at the end of the long Causeway."

About 1715 a statement is made in relation to three pounds for providing "a burying cloth, for ye towns use."

In 1722 there is reference to two padlocks, one for the pound, another for the stocks, indicating that the unruly were subject to restraint and discipline.

May 13, 1723, it was voted to choose a committee to present a petition to the General Court " to prevent y^ stopage of y^ fish in Concord and Sudbury river."

CHAPTER XVII.                 page 305

1725-1750.

Highways. Bridges. Schools. Movement for a New Township; Remonstrances. ^ -Petition Relating to the River Meadows. Sale of Peter Noyes's Donation of the Hop Brook Mill. Gratuities to the Ministers. Miscellaneous Matters.

The years with change advance.

Tennyson.

The period upon which we now enter was an eventful one throughout the whole country. Three governors, Burnett, Belcher, and Shirley, bore rule. Burnett died in 1729, Belcher left office in 1740, and Shirley entered upon the office in 1741. During the latter part of this period war again called to the front the provincial forces, and the towns were to hear its stern voice and to feel its rude shock. Before, however, the season of strife set in, there was a brief season of peace. During this respite the town made advancement. The tokens of increasing prosperity were manifest in the construction of highways and bridges, and the attention given to miscellaneous matters.

HIGHWAYS.

Of these improvements we will notice, first, those relating to highways. This subject had more prominence than in the preceding period, the reasons for which are obvious ; as time passed on new clearings were made upon which to locate new homes, and new homes perhaps demanded new roads. The last period was one of war ; new facilities may have been postponed till better times. Furthermore, the formation of the west precinct doubtless called for new roads. With a meeting-house at Rocky Plain, and a community beginning to gather, new paths were to be opened to it.

305 In 1735-6 a way is mentioned as " beginning at MarlLorongh road, at Mr. Abraham Woods shop until it comes to Lieut. John Haynes." Al)ont the same time is the state v ment of a change of highway from Whale's Bridge over Pine Plain (Wayland), a part of which way is spoken of in connection Avith Jonathan Grout's land. In 1736 a new highway is spoken of over Pine Brook at John Grout's. , In 1733 the town accepted of a road '' laid out by Samuel Dakins to Concord line, and so into the road leading to Stow by Mr. Jonathan Browns in sd town." Also at the same meeting "a way for the upper end of little Gulf at Mr. Samuel Noyes land by David Maynards to Pantry Bridge." In 1734 a way was laid out "from Landham to Sudbury part of the way to go through the land of John Goodnow and part land of Isaac Reed." About 1735-6 a way is spoken of " from Landham to the Clay pits on the east side of Paul Brintnal's barn." During this period " Zackriah Hurd was to make a new way lastly laid out by John Grout's by a Jury," ''a substantial, passable County Il6ad." In 1742 a highway was "accepted for the County road by the town bridge to Sedge meadow." The next year Eliab Moore was allowed "to set up gates or bars and fence from the highway leading from the town bridge to Sedge meadow." Towards the end of the period a highway is spoken of "from Honey Pot Brook through Jabez Puffer's land." In 1728 the tdwn accepted of a highway "from the centre road by the house of Joseph Moore by the training field till it come into the Concord road." In 1729-30 it was voted " to accept the way laid out from Thomas Smiths to the west meeting house." This Avas to go "through Pantry." In 1730 mention is made of a way from " Non sidge round hill by Peter Bent's into town." Also a highway is spoken of from Lancaster road " beginning at Mr. Peter Plympton's land leading into Gulf neck, by David Parmenters and Uriah -Wheelers, by the training field, and so into same road at Lake end." A way is also spoken of in 1729, in the east precinct of Sudbury, " from Non Such Round hill to the meeting house in said Precinct." In this period there is mentioned a road "from the New bridge, by Mr. Joseph Stones In sd Towne to the road leading to Framingham by Mr. Benjamin Stones In sd town."

As might be expected, when so much attention was paid to the highways, the causeways and bridges were not neglected. In 1733 two men were to 'repair the bridge at the east side of the causeway, " so as ye said butments may not be washed down or be carried away by ye floods as in times past." In 1735 new plank was provided "for the Grat biidg at the East End of the Long Causewa." About 1743 a subscription was made for a bridge between the land of "John Haynes on the west side the river and John Woodward on the east side the river, and Mr. Edward Sherman and John Woodward, agreed, if the subscribers would erect the bridge, to give a good and conveniant wa}-, two rods wide through their land." In 1747 Jonathan Rice rebuilt Lanham Bridge, and received for the same five pounds. The next year there is a record as follows : " To Matthew Gibbs for Rum & for raisinor Landham Bridge 12 Shillings." In 1726-7 it was voted to expend on the "long causeway from the town bridge to the gravel pit one hundred pounds." In 1729 the town voted to build a new bridge at the east end of the long causeway. In connection with this record we have the two following of about the same date: that "part of the effects of the old meeting house " was to be paid toward the building of the bridge over Sudbury River. The other is this report of the committee chosen by the town to build a bridge at tlie eastern end of the long causeway: "To David Baldwin for frame of Bridge, 37 pounds. To twelve men to raise said bridge, who went into ye water 3 pounds." Other items were given, among which is this : " For Drink &c. 5^ 1^." (Date, 1729.) On the town records, dated Nov. 28, 1730, is the following : " Received of the selectmen of said town [Sudbury] four pounds and ten shillings in full discharge for building a bridge for said town over the brook by Mr. Abraham Woods in Sudbiuy [South Sudbur}^]. I say received per John Goodnow." ^

EDUCATION.

During this period educational advantages were on the gain. In 1732 a school-house was built on the east side. In 1735 the town voted thirty pounds for the support of public schools. The next year the town granted twenty pounds for the out-schooling in said town, three parts for the west and two for the east side of the river. In 1733 the committee were instructed " not to exceed sixty pounds for the schools ye year ensuing." In 1731 it voted thirty pounds for the grammar school in Sudbury; also voted that their representative present a petition to the General Court in behalf of the town for a school-farm in some of the unappropriated land. In 1734 it "granted 30 pounds to support schools at the school house, and twenty pounds for and towards schools in the out parts or quarters of s*^ town for that year.' In 1735-6 Amos Smith asked to have the grammar school removed into the several out-parts of the town "for the futer;" but the town voted in the negative. In 1740 it was ordered that the grammar school should be kept " in the five remote corners of the town, as it hath formerly been from the 8''^ day of December until ye end of October next." In 1747 the town voted that the schools should be kept at five places, "at tlie school house near Nathan Goodnow's, at that near Israel Mosses, and at or near the house of Mr. Elijah Haynes, at or near the house of Dea, James Brewer as can conveniantly Bee, and y^ school belonging to y^ farm near Mr. Smiths." Thus former school j)i'ivileges were still kept up, while new opportunities were extended to districts more remote.

MOVEMENT FOR A NEW TOWNSHIP.

While the town was thus making perceptible progress, and the tokens of wholesome prosperit}^ were appearing here and there, an occurrence arose which was thought to be portentous of undesirable things. This was an attempt, in the year 1739-40, by a portion of the Sudbury inhabitants to colonize and become a new town. The movement was made jointly by parties from Framingham, Sudbury, Marlboro, and Stow. A petition was sent by them to the General Court, March 14, 1739, in which they ask to be made a "separate Township, invested with proper liberties and privileges, and as such proposing our centre at a pine tree with a heap of stones round it." The reasons they gave were tliat "we have for a long time been greatly incommoded, and labored undere great difficulties as to an attendance on ye means of grace, publickly dispensed, by reason of ye great distance from ye place of ye public worship in ye towns to which we respectively belong, some of our houses being three, four, five and six miles therefrom, and ye roads very difficult especially at some seasons of ye year." They further state " we apprehend ourselves capable by the blessing of Heaven on our lawful endeavor to support ye charges y' may accrue." This was signed by forty-three persons. The Court received the petition, and by an act of the House of Representatives, March 14, 1739, it was ordered that the petitioners "serve the towns represented by it with a copy of the petition, that they might be present at the next May session, and show cause, if they had such, why it should not be granted." (State Archives, Vol. XH., p. 137.)

Sudbury was duly represented at the appointed time. The town voted. May, 19, 1740, " that Capt. John Haynes & Mr. John Woodward Be a committee fully impowered in the town's behalf To go to the Great & General Court or assembly to give our reasons why }' e prayer of the Petition of Sundry inhabitants of Sudbury, Framingham and Stow should not be granted as set forth in the petition." When the case was called up by the Court, the delegates in behalf of the town presented the protest. In the document that contains it they set forth several reasons why the petition of David Howe and other inhabitants of Sudbury, Marlboro, Framingham, and Stow, dated March 14, 1739, should not be granted. They state that "there in an uncertainty" about the petition ; that the town does not know^ what damage it is likely to sustain by loss of population or land ; that to weaken the town would tend to discourage the ministers, who have several times applied for more salary, which would very readily be granted if the ability of the town would admit of the same. They refer to the

Very great charge that the town hath lately been at in building 2 meeting houses, 2 school houses, and settHng 2 ministers together with several great bridges and sundry long and difficult causeways, which with the continual accompanying changes of the said town, make the burthen in a great measure insupportable on many of the inhabitants, and if any should be taken from said town, it would make the burthen still heavier. That the meeting house on the west side of Sudbury river was placed by a committee of this Hon. Court, where the Petitioners desired it, and that they signed to the place where the meeting house now standeth with their own hands, and yet many of the inhabitants on the west side of said River, live at a greater distance, from the west meeting house than any of the Petitioners. The very great difhculties that the town of Sudbury is under by reason of the floods that in the summer season often overflow our meadows, and so damage our hay and grain, that makes many of the inhabitants of said town so weak, that instead of bearing charges in the town apply themselves for relief, all which reasons and considerations lay the town of Sudbury under a necessity of claiming those privileges granted to them by the Royal Charter in the following words, viz. That all and any land, tenements, hereditaments, and all other estate, which any person or persons, or bodies, politic or Corporate Towns, do hold or enjoy or ought to hold and enjoy, within the bounds aforesaid, by or under any grant or estate duly made or granted by any General Court formerly held, or by any other lawful right or title whatever shall be by such Towns their Respective Heirs, successors, assigns, forever hereafter held and enjoyed according to the Import and patent of such respective grant.

We therefore pray this Hon. Court to take the Premises into ye wise consideration and dismiss the before recited Petition, and so resting we Crave leave to subscribe our Selves your Excellency's and Honor's most humble servants, who as in duty bound shall ever pray.

T TT ~k Committee

John Haynes /

John WoobwARD ; ^^

) Sudbury.

A remonstance to the petition was also sent by the town of Framingham, and tlie request of the petitioners for a new township was not granted.

RIVER MEADOWS.

July 15, 1742, a petition was presented, signed by Israel Loring and about seventy-five others, relating to the river meadows. It was directed to His Excellenc}^ William Shirley, Esq., Captain General and Governor, and was as follows :

The petition of us who are the subscribers, who are the major part of owners and propriters of the meadows lying upon the river called Concord and Sudbury River, Humbly showeth, that wheras your petitioners have and do often limes suffer very great damages both in our hay as well as our grass, by reason of the floods which hath and do very often over flow and stand a long time upon our said meadows, and great cause whereof as we humbly conceive in the many bars and stoppages which are in the river, and sundry of these within the bounds of Concord and Sudbury, whereof our humble request is that your Excellency and Honors would be pleased to appoint for a relief, as in your great wisdom you shall think best, commissioners of sewers (as the law directs in such causes) with full power to act and do for our relief what may be thought by them in our case needful and necessary for the removal of said bars and stoppages that are in the said river &c, all which is humbly submitted, and your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. (State Archives, Vol. CV., p. 209.)

There was a further list of sixtj-two names given in an additional part, dated December, 1742, accompanied by a statement that the signers did not have opportunity to sign the jfirst petition.

SALE OF HOP BROOK MILL.

In 1699 the town chose a committee to receive a donation given by Mr, Peter Noyes, late of Sudbury, to the poor of the town. This donation consisted of his mill. After the town took possession of this property, it was leased for a term of years to Mr. Abraham Wood. On the town record is the following reason for granting this lease :

Wheras the towne taking into consideration the gift that Ensign Peter Noyes hath given to ye poore of our towne namely ye mills, commonly called by ye name of ye new mills, with ye lands and privilleges belonging to ye same and being sensible that ye letting of it yearly, will be a means to bring ye sd mills and housen to decay and in time utter ruine, in which will be a great wrong to our poore, and that will not answer ye end of ye (Townes) doner, Therefore in respect to both [him] and our own good which is involved in ye same, we therefore by a vote, grant liberty to them that are concerned as to ye disposal of said gift, to dispose of it for years as they shall see cause for ye benefit and in behalf of ye poore of ye towne of Sudbury.

March ye 19th, 1700. This was passed into an act by ye towne by a magger vote.

In 1728-9 it was voted to sell the mills, and give a deed in the name of the town. The heirs of the donor had laid claim to a considerable part of his gift ; a lawsuit had commenced, and the town had voted money to defend the property ; the town, therefore, voted to sell the same for the sum of seven hundred pounds. The money was to be put on interest for the use of the poor, and to be disposed of by the selectmen and ministers. The property was purchased by Messrs. Abraham Wood, Sen., and Abraham Wood, Jr. The following record was made concerning the sale: "These may certify that the subscribers, selectmen of the town of Sudbury, have received the bonds or security given by Mr Abraham Wood Sen. and Abraham Wood Jun. for seven hundred pounds Province Bills, in full of and at the hands of Noah Clapp, Uriah Wheeler, and John Hayns. Barin dateMar. 13'h 1728 : 9."

In 1730-1 the town petitioned the General Court " that the Great Bridge over Charles river may not be built, but a ferry erected instead."

The four records following show the kindness the town exercised towards its ministers: In 1733 it voted to give Rev. Mr. Cook twenty pounds in money towards making up for the loss of his barn, which it is said was agreeable to a petition of some inhabitants of Sudbury ; it also voted, at the same meeting, to give the ministers a gratuity of forty pounds each for the year ; in 1734 the town voted that Rev. Mr. Minot should have five pounds for preaching three days when Mr. Loring was lame ; in 1735 the ministers were to have so much as to make their salaries, including the wood, a hundred and fifty pounds each of them.

In 1739 an article was in the warrant " to see if the town will grant money to provide more ammunition to the town's stock."

In 1740 the town "voted to procure another meeting house bell as good as the one tliey had."

In 1741 the following items were inserted, in the town book : " To D"" Roby for medicine administered to Frank, negro woman." "Granted ten pounds for cutting and clearing the brush growing or standing around the west meeting house." Granted twenty pounds for the relief of tlie [poor of the] town. " Granted to Joseph Muggins and Joseph

THE WOODS OR ALLEN HOUSE.

The oldest house in South Sudbury, and the author's birthplace. Goodiiow, to take tlic care of, and sweep the meeting houses in s'^ town, and take care of the two school houses in s^ town, at forty shillings apiece, old tenor, End the year ensuing." " To Thomas Reed for what he did for Frank, Negro, in y^ time of her last sickness."

In 1746-7 "a committee was chosen to show cause to the General session why the wife and children of Edward Joyn should not be deemed inhabitants of the town."

In 1747 " an agent or agents were appointed to prosecute such person or persons as have Broken the meeting house Bell Belonging to said Town, now hanging in the School house near the East meeting house. In said town."

CHAPTER XVIII.                 page 313

1726-1750.

Third French and Indian War. Sudbury Soldiers at Cape Breton.— Fort No. 4, N.H. Capt. Phineas Stevens. Sketch of His Life. His Service in Connection with the Building and Defense of the Fort. — Capt. Josiah Brown. Engagement with French and Indians about the Fort. Petition of Captain Brown. Petition of Jonathan Stanhope. Battle between the Forces of Captain Stevens and General Debeline. Expedition of Captain Hobbs. Battle between the Commands of Captain Hobbs and Chief Sackett. Sketch of Capt. Josiah Brown. List of Captain Brown's Troopers.

He Cometh unto you with a tale which holdeth children from play, and old men from the chimney-corner. Sir Philip Sidney.

Having considered the records of a short interval of peace in this period, we again turn to the annals of war. England and France were again to engage in strife. This war has had various names. It has been called in America " King George's War," but in England " The War of the Austrian Succession." It has also been called '-'■ The Cape Breton War," and "The French and Indian War." The latter term is appropriate, but might tend to mislead, since other wars have occurred with these parties. A suitable term for it may be " The Third French War."

The war was declared in 1744, and continued till the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, Its principal event was the capture of Louisburg, a French stronghold at Cape Breton, which had been called, because of its strength, the Gibraltar of America. It had been built since the peace treaty of Utrecht, at great expense, but after a forty-nine days' siege it fell into the hands of the English. The troops for its capture were from Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. The men suffered much before the place surrendered, but when the work was at length accomplished there was rejoicing throughout the province. Sudbury soldiers assisted at the capture of this place. The following is a list of some of the men :

Samuel Osborne, Silas Balcom, John Underwood, Samuel Balcom, John Rice, Reuben Vose, Ruben Moore, John Nixon [at this time of Framingham, afterwards of Sudbury], Lieut Estabrook, Lieut. Augustus Moore, Abijah Walker, Micah Parmenter, Jas. Balcom, Eben Mossman, James Balcom.

Besides service in connection with this prominent event in the war, there was another service with which Sudbury soldiers were connected, which, though less prominent than the one just mentioned, was of vast importance to the country. This was the work of a border guard, or manning the frontier forts. As in other contests between England and France, when hostilities broke out in America there was a Avild border conflict with a mixed savage and civilized foe. Tribes not friendly to the English, nor bound to them by treaty allegiance, hastened to aid their old allies, the French, in Canada, and strewed their pathway thither with sad marks of, their mission and of their impatience to begin the strife.

A confederation thus formed by the Indians and French meant terror to the English frontier. Predatory bands of savages again took the trail. The woodlands again resounded with their rude sliouts; and the sunny hillsides and fair intervales by tlie northern New England streams were again trod and retrod by the Indian in his sly search for human prey.

To protect these defenseless places, and form a rendezvous into which the people could flee, and at the same time furnish quarters for such a military guard as might be sent to intercept the foe, was of very great importance. To accomplish these objects there was erected by the province and the towns a cordon of block-houses and forts. Several of these were situated in the vicinity of the Connecticut River, of which the most northerly was called No. 4, and was at what is now Charlestown, N.H. This fortification was notable for the frequent attack and repulse of the enemy. - It was in the direct track of the French and Indians as they swept down from Canada, by way of Lake Champlain and Montreal, on their way to the frontier towns of Massachusetts. To take this fort was considered of great importance by the enemy, who hovered about it as a coveted prize ; and it was of equal importance to the English to retain it.

In the holding of this wilderness fortress, and in military operations in the vicinity, Sudbury soldiers had a prominent share. The commander of the fort was Phineas Stevens, a native of Sudbury ; he was a noted Indian fighter, and an ambassador to Canada to negotiate for the ransom of prisoners.

CAPT. PHINEAS STEVENS.

Mr. Stevens was born Feb. 20, 1706 (see Chap. IX.), and went to Rutland with his father, Dea. Joseph Stevens, about 1719. Aug. 14, 1723, he was taken captive by the Indians, and carried to Canada. He was afterwards redeemed, and taken home. In 1734 he married his cousin, Elizabeth Stevens, of Petersham, Mass. He lived for a time at Rutland, and moved from there to Charlestown, N.H. He was a prominent citizen of that place, in both civil and military matters, in its early history. His name was on the proprietors' book about 1743 as a petitioner for a proprietors' meeting ; and the same year he was on a committee for providing a "learned and orthodox minister to preach the Gospel." The same year he received a commission as lieutenant of militia from Governor Wentworth of New Hampshire. In 1744 he was commissioned by Governor Shirle}^ of Massachusetts as lieutenant of volunteers for the defense of the frontier. The next year he was appointed by the same authority as captain for service against the French and Indians.

Captain Stevens was repeatedly commissioned to go to Canada to negotiate for the deliverance of prisoners. In 1752 he negotiated for the deliverance of John Stark of New Hampshire, who was afterwards General Stark who commanded the continental forces at the battle of Bennington. The ransom of Stark was an Indian pony, valued at one hundred and three dollars. This amount was paid back b}'' Stark in money, which he earned as a hunter on the Androscoggin, Maine.

Since to narrate all the services of Captain Stevens at No. 4 and elsewhere in this war would take considerable space, we will only present a few facts which may set forth something of his military history and the arduous nature of his work. A settlement was begun at No. 4 about 1740, and shortly afterwards Mr. Stevens went there and became one of the three proprietors who settled the place. At that time No. 4 was the most advanced post of English civilization in the northwest. It was surrounded by dense forests, and much exposed to the French and Indians in their incursions from the north. The foe to which the people were exposed was exceedingly fierce and cruel. Such a combination of bad qualities as was manifested by the enemy that came from Canada was seldom seen,

FORT NO. 4.

About three years after the settlement began, the prospect of war was so great that the proprietors of No. 4 held a meetinof and decided to erect a fort, and made an assessment to meet the expense. Lieutenant Stevens was one of the assessors to apportion the sum of three hundred pounds towards the work. He was also one of a committee appointed to keep the fort in repair, and "to take care that no person come to dwell in any of the houses within the fort }mt such as they the said committee shall approve." The fort was built under the direction of Col John Stoddard of Northampton, Mass., who had formerly superintended the building of the block-house at Fort Dumraer in central Massachusetts. The fort contained about three-quarters of an acre, was built in the form of a square, and had about one hundred and eighty feet on a side. The walls were made of squared timbers, and put together after the manner of a log-house. Inside the enclosure were houses, which were owned by private parties previously to their enclosure in the fort, but were bought up and afterwards called province houses. One of these belonged to Lieutenant Stevens, for which he received thirty-five pounds. These houses were placed against the walls of the fort, and so arranged that they could at once be put in a state of defense if the enemy got inside the fort. On the north side the fort had a stockade of timbers about a foot in diameter, which were placed end-wise in the ground, and were about tv/elve feet high.

New Hampshire having but little interest in defending a place so far from their other settlements, and Massachusetts feeling under no obligations to protect them, because outside her limits, the little company provided its own means of defense. The assistance subsequently rendered by Massachusetts was on account of the protection afforded by this fort to her settlements on the south.

The fort was scarcely finished when war was declared by England against France and Spain. A few soldiers were stationed to defend the little stronghold, and Capt. Phineas Stevens was placed in command. In the early part of the war the fort was unmolested ; but April 19, 1746, about forty French and Indians came into the vicinity, and did disastrous work. Several men were captured, and a saw and grist mill was burned. May 2d another raid was made, and one man was killed. On May 24th, Capt. Daniel Paine of Dudley, Mass., was sent to assist in defending the place. Shortly after his arrival, some of his men ventured out to see the place where the man had been killed a few days before, when they were suddenly assailed by the savages, who killed five of tliem and captured one. Captain Stevens with a few men rnslied to the rescue. He engaged the savages, and forced them to retire, as it is supposed, with the loss of several men. At about this time Captain Stevens was reinforced b}' a troop of horse from Sudbury, under command of Capt. Josiah Brown.

SERVICES OF CAPTAIN BROWN'S COMPANY.

On the 17th of June, shortly after their arrival, this company was called into action, and had a severe engagemeut with the enemy in a meadow not far from the fort. The following is an account of the affair published July 1, 1746 :

We hear that on Thursday, the 19^K ult., at a plantation called No. 4, Capt. Stevens, of the garrison there, and Capt. Brown, of Sudbury, with about fifty men, went out into the woods to look for horses and, coming near a causeway there were obliged to pass, their dogs being on the hunt before them, and barking very much, they suspected some Indians were near; whereupon, keeping a good lookout, they discovered a great number of them, supposed to be a hundred and fifty, lying in ambush, waiting for them on the other side ; so that if they had passed over, in all probability, most of them might be cut off.

The Indians on finding themselves discovered, suddenly started up, and a smart engagement immediately ensued, in which, it is supposed, that the English fired first and engaged them so closely and briskly that they soon drew off, and being followed by our men retreated into a large swamp ; whereupon the English returned to the garrison, not caring to venture, after such numbers, into so hazardous a place. (Farmer & Moore, Vol. III., p. 294.)

Captain Brown, in a petition to the General Court in behalf of himself and his troops, states as follows concerning this battle :

That whereas on the IQt^i day of June 1756 in his Magestie's service, at a place called No. 4, on the western frontier, the said Josiah Brown with his troop had a very warm and dangerous engagement with a numerous party of the Indian enemy, together with painful travel, and with other hardships and difficulties attending. In which engagement by good evidence and the most certain accounts we can get a considerable number of said enimies were slain and others sore wounded. [The purport of the petition was that the Court might afford them such "encouragement" as it thought best.]

By order of said troop, at their meeting on the 25'^ Dec. 1750.

(State Archives, Vol. LXXIII., p. 733.) Josiah Brown. Captains Stevens and Brown had no men killed outright in this engagement, but Jedediah Winchell was mortally wounded and shortly afterwards died. Jonathan Stanhope, David Parker, and Noah Eaton were wounded. Stanhope was from Sudbury, and Eatou from Framingham. Mr. Stanhope subsequently presented two petitions to the General Court, one of which is as follows :

In the battle with the Indians at No. 4, June 19, when I was a Trooper in his majesty's service, I received a shot which broke my arm all to pieces, and caused me great pain, and cost for the injuries, and has incapacitated me from obtaining a subsistance for myself, and I have very little hopes of ever having the use of it again. The account of the time I have lost and expenses which I have been exposed to since I was wounded is as follows :

To sixteen weeks at said No. 4, when I lay confined with my wound to the first months when I had Province billeting at 6-3 per week besides said billeting ..... ^I. 5.

To 12 weeks more when I found myself altogether and had

no Province pay nor billeting at 12-6 pr wk. . . . 7. 10.

And to my son's attending on me then and finding himself fi-om the 23d of June to the 17'h of October following, being 16 weeks and 3 days : to my son's nursing and attending me the said 16 weeks, at 5 per week 4. 2. 6

And to 9 weeks board when he had neither Province pay nor

billeting at 7-6 per week 3. 7. 6

^16. 5.

At the close of military operations, in 1746, Massachusetts withdrew most of her soldiers stationed in the vicinity of the Connecticut River in New Hampshire. The chief reasons for this were that the place was outside her own limits, and that New Hampshire refused to co-operate in defending it. No. 4 being deprived of troops, it was for a time abandoned. The people in the vicinity were obliged to leave their homesteads, and take refuge in the older settlements. During the winter that followed the evacuation of No. 4, the enemy did not venture far from their quarters in Canada. Meanwhile an effort was made to again man the deserted forts. A prominent person in the furtherance of this project, it is supposed, was Captain Stevens. He communicated with Governor Shirley, and stated that a force of one hundred men should be sent to several of the frontier posts to " go and waylay the streams the enemy come upon when they issue out from Crown Point." The authorities did not grant the request by allowing all the men that were asked for, but only so many as it was thought would repel an attack made on the forts. The matter of taking measures for such agressive work as was proposed by Stevens was deferred.

ATTACK OF GENERAL DEBELINE.

In March, 1747, Captain Stevens was ordered to go with thirty men and take possession of No. 4. He arrived there on the 27th. A few daj^s later the place was furiously assailed by the French and Indians, under the leadership of General Debeline. Captain Stevens, in his report made to Governor Shirley, dated April 9, 1747, gives the following account df the attack :

Our dogs being very much disturbed, which gave us reason to think that the enemy were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the usual time ; but one of our men, being desirous to know the certainty, ventured out privately to set on the dogs, about nine o'clock in the morning; and went about twenty rods from the fort firing off his gun and saying, Choboy to the dogs. Whereupon, the enemy, being within a few rods, immediately arose from behind a log and fired : but through the goodness of God, the man got into the fort with only a slight wound. The enemy being then discovered, immediately arose from their ambushments and attacked us on all sides. The wind being very high, and everything exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences, and also (o a log-house about forty rods distant from the fort to the windward ; so that within a few minutes we were entirely surrounded with fire all which was performed with the most hideous shouting and firing, from all quarters, which they continued, in a very terrible manner, until the next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission; during which time we had no opportunity to eat or sleep. But notwithstanding all their shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least daunted, but fought with great resolution ; which, doubtless, gave the enemy reason to think we had determined to stand it out to the last degree. The enemy had provided themselves with a sort of fortification, which they had determined to push before them and bring fuel to the side of the fort, in order to burn it down. But instead of performing what they threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to undertake, they called to us and desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next morning, which was granted : at which time they would come to a parley. Accordingly the French General Debeline came with about sixty of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about twenty rods of the fort in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send three men to him he would send as many to us, to which we complied. The General sent in a French Lieutenant with a French soldier and an Indian.

Upon our men going to the Monsieur, he made the following proposals, viz. that in case we would immediately resign up the fort, we should all have our lives and liberty to put on all the clothes we had, and also to take a sufficient quantity of provisions to carry us to Montreal, and bind up our provisions and blankets, lay down our arms and march out of the fort.

Upon our men returning, he desired that the Captain of the fort would meet him half-way, and give an answer to the above proposal, which I did, and upon meeting the Monsieur, he did not wait for me to give an answer, but went on in the following manner, viz. that what had been promised he was ready to perform, but upon refusal he would immediately set the fort on fire, and run over the top, for he had seven hundred men with him, and if we made any further resistance, or should happen to kill one Indian, we might expect all to be put to the sword. "The fort," said he, " I am resolved to have or die. Now do what you please, for I am as easy to have you fight as to give up." I told the General, that in case of extremity his proposal would do ; but inasmuch as I was sent here by my master, the Captain General, to defend this fort, it would not be consistent with my order to give it up unless I was better satisfied that he was able to perform what he had threatened ; and furthermore I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign into the hands of the enemy, that upon one of their number being killed, they would put all to the sword, when it was probable that we had killed some of them already. "Well," said he, "go into the fort, and see whether your men dare to fight any more or not, and give me an answer quick, for my men want to be fighting." Whereupon I came into the fort and called all the men together, and informed them what the French General said, and then put it to vote which they chose, either to fight on or resign ; and they voted to a man to stand it out as long as they had life. Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight it out. Upon which they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued fighting and shouting until daylight the next morning.

About noon they called to us and said " Good morning," and desired a cessation of arms for two hours that they might come to a parley ; which was granted. The General did not come himself, but sent two Indians, who came within about eight rods of the fort and stuck down their flag and desired that I would send out two men to them, which I did, and the Indians made the following proposal, viz. That in case we would sell them provisions, they would leave and not fight anymore; and desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for money was contrary to the laws of nations, but if they would send in a captive for every five bushels of corn, I would supply them. Upon the Indians returning the General this answer, four or five guns were fired against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed, for we heard no more of them.

In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The cessation of arms gave us no matter of rest, for we suspected they did it to obtain an advantage against us. I believe men were never known to hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or lie still for one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although we had some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men slightly wounded, viz. John Brown and Joseph Ely. (Saunderson's "History of Charlestown, N.H.")

In the course of the year 17-47 the peojjle living near the Connecticut River suffered much from the enemy's incursions. As they could obtain little or no aid from New Hampshire, the}^ again applied to Massachusetts. In February, 1748, the authorities allowed one hundred men each for Forts Massachusetts and No. 4; and directed that orders be issued to the commanding officers in those garrisons that a suitable number of men should be employed, until the folloAving October, to intercept the French and Indians in their march to the frontier. At the same time a bounty was offered of a hundred pounds for an Indian scalp. Captain Stevens was again appointed to command at No. 4, and Capt. Humphrey Hobbs, another brave officer, was made second in command.

Shortly after Captain Stevens assumed command of No. 4, on March 15th, a party of Indians attacked some men near the fort who were out to gather wood. Captain Stevens sallied forth to the rescue, but no general engagement occurred, as the enemy, which consisted of only a small company, left the place, after killing, in their first onset, one person and wounding another and taking captive a third. As the spring advanced Captain Stevens and his men were engaged more or less in marchings and scoutings in the vicinity of No. 4, and from there to Fort Dummer in the central part of Massachusetts. June 24 forty men, under command of Captain Hobbs, started on a scouting expedition, designing to march through the wilderness to Fort Shirley, in Heath, Mass. After being out two days, they had an engagement with the Indians, which, it is said, lasted four hours, and in which one of the Sudbury soldiers was wounded. The following account of the battle is from Saunderson's " History of Charlestown, N.H."

BATTLE BETWEEN CAPTAIN HOBBS AND CHIEF SACKETT.

Capt. Hobbs started out from No. 4, on the 24th of June. During the first two days of his march, he met with no interruptions, except such as were occasioned by the natural difficulties of the way. On the 26th, it being Sunday, after travelling a little distance, he halted at a place about twelve miles north-west of Fort Dummer, in the precincts of what is now the town of Marlborough, to afford his company an opportunity to refresh themselves; and though he did not dream that he was pursued, or that the enemy was any where near, he still posted a guard on his trail, like a true officer, as carefully and circumspectly as if danger had been apprehended. The party then took possession of a low piece of ground, covered with alders intermingled with large trees, through which fl >wed a rivulet, and without any anticipat'on of being disturbed, had begun regaling themselves at their packs.

But, as was too frequently the case in those times, danger was nigh, though they had no apprehension of it ; for a large body of Indians had discoverd their trail, and made a rapid march for the purpose of cutting them off. Sackett, their chief, (reputed to be a half-blood,) was not only a courageous and resolute fellow, but was distinguished for a sagacity that rendered him no common antagonist.

Apparently certain of victory, on account of his numbers, which forestalled the necessity of a wily approach, he dashed down upon the trail of Hobbs, driving in the guards which he had posted in his rear, and instantly commenced an attack upon his main force with all the yells and demonstrations of a savage warfare.

Hobbs, though taken by surprise, was not in the least deprived of his self possession.

An old Indian fighter as he was, whose men were under a perfect discipline, it took but a moment to form them for action, and but a moment more elapsed before each, by tSe advice of his commander, had selected the cover of a large tree, and stood ready to repel any assault of their oncoming foe. Confident of success, on account of the superiority of their numbers, which were more than four to one, to the force under Hobbs, the enemy without seeking cover, rushed forward with terrible shouts, as if they had determined at the outset to bear down all resistance ; but being met by a well directed fire, by which several of their number were killed, their impetuosity received such a check as to cause them to retreat for shelter behind the trees and brush.

The conflict which then followed between the parties, in which the sharp-shooters bore a prominent part, was of the most exciting nature. The two commanders had been known to each other in times of peace, and were both distinguished for their intrepidity.

Sackelt, who could speak English, frequently called upon Hobbs, in tones that made the forest ring, to surrender; and with threats in case of refusal that he would annihilate his fqirce with the tomahawk.

Hobbs, with a voice equally loud and defiant, challenged him to come on and put his menace, if he dared, into execution. The action continued for four hours, Hobbs and his force displaying throughout the most consummate skill and prudence, and neither side withdrawing an inch from its original position. The Indians, during the fight, not unfrequently approached the line of their adversaries, but were as often driven back to their cover; the fire of the sharp-sighted marksman opposed to them being more than they could endure. Thus the conflict continued, till, finding that his own men had suffered severely in the struggle, and that the resistance of Hobbs and his men was not likely to be overcome, Sackett retired and left them the masters of a well fought field.

The company of Capt. Hobbs was so well protected that only three, Ebenezar Mitchell, Eli Scott, and Samuel Gunn, were killed. The wounded were Daniel McHenney of Wrentham, who had his thigh broken by a ball, by which he was disabled for life ; Samuel Graves, Jr., of Sunderland, a brave lad of seventeen years of age, who was shot through the brain in a horrible manner, yet recovered, but not so as to be afterwards capable of business; also slight wounds were received by Nathan Walker of Sudbury, and Ralph Rice. Many of the enemy were seen to fall, especially when they left their cover and advanced. Yet, though their loss was undoubtedly great, so effectually was it concealed that its extent was never ascertained. After the retirement and disappearance of the Indians, Captain Hobbs and his men remained concealed till night, apprehending another attack; but, as the darkness fell around them, discovering no signs of the enemy, they gathered up their packs, and took their dead and wounded, and after burying the former under some logs, about half a mile from the scene of action, and conducting the latter to a more conveniant place, about two miles distant, they encamped for the night. They arrived at Fort Dummer the next day, which was the 27th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, whence they sent their wounded to Northfield where they could receive the needed medical aid.

Nathan Walker recovered and arrived safely home. He afterward petitioned the General Court for assistance. In the petition he states that he was a soldier in the Province service under the command of Capt. Hobbs, and that on June 26th, 1748, in a fight with the Indian and French enemy, he was wounded in the arm. (State Archives, Vol. LXXIIL, p. 620.)

Capt. Josiah Brown, the commander of the troop which went from Sudbury to assist in the defense of Fort No. 4, was a brave soldier and worthy man. The following is a brief sketch of his life, together with two lists of men who belonged to his troop before the war began and also towards its close. As some of the names are in both lists, perhaps they served through the intervening years, and were present at the defense of No. 4. The troop of 1747-8 was called into service that year, September 23, and served a short time.

CAPT. JOSIAH BROWN.

Mr. Brown was a prominent citizen of Sudbury. He passed through all, or nearly all, the grades of town office ; and his name is also conspicuous in the annals of the church. In 1757, Josiah Brown, Samuel Dakin, and Jabez Puffer were chosen delegates to assist in settling the difficulty between the church in Leominster and their pastor. The first two were brave captains in the war against the French and Indians ; the first was prominent at Fort No. 4, the other was killed near Fort Edward in 17t8. (See period 17501775.) As a token of his regard for the West Side Church, Mr. Brown gave it a piece of land, the proceeds of which, it is stated, were sufficient for the supply of the elements for communion. He Avas one of the signers of the church covenant in 1724-5.

Sudbury June 4'*^ 1739 A list of the Gen'^men of the Horse under the command of Capt. Josiah Brown

Trum: Jonathan Belcher, Nathaniel Seaver

Cor. Josiah willas [willis] Cor. Daniel Winch

Cor. Daniel Gregory, Bezebeal Frost

Cor. Edward Moore Benja Whitten

Benony Prat Cornelus Wood

David How David Stone

Danil Goodenow Eliph'^ wheler

David Maynard Jr. Ebenezer Puffer.

Elijah Bent Elijah Smith

Ebenezer Heminway Edmond Parmenter

Ecobad Heminway Hezekiah Moore

326 Ephriam Puffer Hopestill Browne John Cheney John Heminway Jabez Mead John Maynard Jr. Nathan Loring Robert Seaver Sami Brigham Timothy Sternes John Bent [Isaac] Reed Thomas Winch Jr.

James Crage Joseph Parmenter Nathaniel Rice Phinehas Gibbs. Sam^ Heminway Sam' Browne Jabez Puffer Jonathan Maynard Jonathan Puffer Philis Part Sam' Stone Solomon Parmenter Jr.

Muster roll of Brown's company 1747-8.

Josiah Brown Capt John Noyes C irnet Dai' Stone Clerk Jon'' Belcher Trumpeter Nathaniel Seaver Phinehas Gibbs Sam' Brown Jonathan Maynard Isaac Reed Joseph Reed W"i Brown Dan' Stone John Bruce

Parmenter

John Gould

Other names are

Thomas Winch Dan' Gregory James Peterson Thomas Biglo Thomas Winch Samuel Winch Josiah Hoar.

Micah Gibbs Joseph Brintnall John Brigham W" Hunt Matthew Gibbs Henry Smith David Maynard Samuel Maynard Isaac Brewer Obediah Moore Nathan Walker Joseph Greene Isaac Brintnall Henry Loker

Sam' Giles Beng Eaton Sam' Frost Elias Whitney George Whitney Sam' Whitney

CHAPTER XIX.                 page 327

1750-1775.

The Work-House. Regulations of it. Pest-House at Nobscot.-Graves of Small-Pox Victims. Pest-Houses on the East Side. Graves of Victims. Inoculation for the Disease. Statistics Relating to It. Highway Work. Lottery for Repairing the Causeway. Schools. School-Houses. Fourth French and Indian War. Causes of It. Lists of Sudbury Soldiers in Various Campaigns. First and Second Foot Companies. Alarm List. Troops of Horse. — Battle at Half- Way Brook. Death of Captain Dakin. Sketch of his Life. Covenant. Correspondence. French Neutrals. Death of Rev. William Cook. Settlement of Rev. Josiah Bridge. Death of Rev. Israel Loring. Sketch of His Life. Settlement of Rev. Jacob Bigelow. Division of West Part into Wards. Powder House. Noon Houses. Pound. Measures to Suppress Swindling.

Over the roofs of the pioneers

Gathers the moss of a hundred years ;

On man and his works has passed the change

Which needs must be in a century's range.

Whittier.

Between 1750, and 1775, the country was in an unsettled condition. Events of a stirring character transpired, and the times were productive of lasting influences. Peace prevailed when the period began, but was very short-lived. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, made in 1748, was of little avail to hold England and France in friendly relations. After the lapse of about a half-dozen years, war was again declared, and hostilities in America broke out anew. The close of the period also was stormy. It was just before the Revolutionary War. The provinces were in process of preparation for that farfamed struggle from which they w^ere to emerge a new nation. Before, however, entering upon militarv matters, we will notice some of the civil events of the period. THE WORK-HOUSE.

In 1753, a movement was made to establish a work-house in Sudhnry. At the above-named date a vote was taken, when "it passed very fully in the affirmative, that it [the town] would provide a Work House in sd town, that Idle & Disorderly People may be properly Employed." Ephraim Curtis, Joseph Brown, and Ebenezer Roby were a committee in the matter. In process of time the project thus begun was accomplished. March 17, 1762, the town decided "to hire some suitable house for a Work House that the Idle Persons in sd Town might be kept to Labor." Pursuant to vote, a building was rented of Isaac Reed, for which he was to receive two pounds eight shillings. In 1765, the town " voted to give Mr. Reed two pounds eight shillings for his house (and garden spot) & his putting s^ house in good Tenantable Repair." In 1763, the town chose "overseeis of the poor for sd house," and Mr. Isaac Reed was of this board.

WORK-HOUSE REGULATIONS.

At a quarterly meeting of all the Overseers of the Poore in Sudbury at the work house in said Sudbury on the first Tuesday of the month, April, Anno Domini 1763, in order to inspect the management thereof and for ordering the Affairs of the said House when we the said overseers were Duely and lawfully meet together at the said work house, and after Due and mature consideration, we Came into the Folowing needfull RuUs and orders for the Regulation of the said house, and those Idle Persons that are by Law or may fall under our Inspection.

Which Rules & orders are as foUoweth. l^'ly That every one of the overseers Shall Punctually meet at the Said work house, at the times set for their monthly or Intermediate Meetings, and in Case of their not attending or unseasonably attending, Shall forfitt and pay to the s^ overseers and for their use, the Sum of Two Shillings LawfuU money, and in Case he or they Shall neglect or Refuse to pay the Same or to Shew any Reasonable Excuse for his neglect, the Same Shall be Recovered from him or them by their Clark by Distress and Sale of his or their Goods, the Clark observing the Same Rulls that Constables are by law obleged to Do in making Distress for their Rates.

2'"'ly. That when any Parson whome we Shall Judge Doath Fall under our Immediate care and Inspection Shall be by a Summon under the hand of our moderator or Clark Duly Sent to him Setting forth the time for his appearance before us at the said work house, and Shall not Punctually apeare before us the said Overseers, at the said work house, that then and in that Case, a warrant under the hand and Seal of our said Clark Shall Isue out Dyrected to the master of the said work house or to the Constable of the s^ Towne of Sudbury forth with Requiring them to apprehend the body of the s"^ Contemptous Parson and Cause him or her to appear before us, the s<^ overseers, at the said work house, that he or she may be Proceeded with or Punished for his or her Contempt, by being publickly whipped at the whipping post at the work house not Exceeding Ten Stripes or otherways as the Said Overseers Shall then order, and be Subject to pay to the officer that Shall have served the s"^ warrant his fees by Law allowed him, the Service of which Summons Shall be found by Giving him or her Summon in form aforesaid or Leaving same at his or her Last or usual place of abode, by any Constable of s<^ Sudbury or any one of the Overseers who Shall make Return of ye s*^ Summons to the s'l Overseers at the time therein ordered.

As evidence of farther modes of discipline emploj'ed in this period, we find that, in 1760, the town allowed payment to Colonel Noyes for making stocks, and also for four staves for the tything-men. In the warrant for a town-meeting in 1757, is the following article: "To see what the town will do with regard to Dido a Negro woman who is now upon charge in this town." With regard to this Dido the town ordered the selectmen "to make strict inquiries who brought Dido into town."

SMALL-POX HOSPITALS.

Another institution introduced into the town in this period was the pest-house. There is in the Stearns' " Collection " a document, without date, that is presumably a petition to the selectmen, asking that a town-meeting be called

As soon as maybe by Law, for the Purchase of and Erecting a House or houses for the conveniance of taking the Small Pox by Inoculation, for the better Security of the Good Citizens of s"! town, [to] do or act as the Town shall Judge proper when met.

As in duty Bound

Jno. Goodenow Jonathan Bent,

. Luther Richardson, Jotham Goodenow,

Elisha Goodenow, Israel How,

Elisha Moore, Caleb Wheeler. Silas Goodenow, Joel Goodenow. Probably the above petition antedates the record given below, dated " Oct. 14, 1761 : Town Dr. To Mr. Isaac Reed for sledding wood and assisting to repair a House, for those who ma}^ have the small pox." Tradition points to several localities, which at that time were within the town limits, where pest-houses were situated. The site of one of these is at Nobscot Hill. On the eastern side of the hill, on land owned by Mr. Hubbard Brown, and a short distance from a small pond, are the graves of the small-pox victims. They are clustered together, beneath a small growth of pines that are now scattered over that briar-grown spot ; and the wind, as it sweeps through the branches of this little pine grove, and the occasional note of the wild-wood bird, alone break the stillness and disturb the loneUness of that forest burialplace. On a stone that marks one grave is the followinginscription :

IN MEMORY OF

MR BUCKLEY HOW,

SON OF

MR BUCKLEY HOW

OF

HUBARDSTON

WHO DIED OF THE SMALL POX,

NOV. 14ti\ 1792 IN THE 21st YEAR OF HIS AGE.

MR BUCKLEY HOW.

Just how many graves are about this spot Ave have no information, but a foi-mer owner of the land, Mr. Edward Brown, conjectured, as he mowed the brush thereabouts many years ago, that there were at least eight or nine well-defined graves there. This burying-place, as we have said, is on a part of the Thirty-rod Highway. The smallpox hospital at Nobscot, tradition says, was in the "Nixon pasture," which is the large field on the northern slope of the hill ; and the same authority asserts that the house in which John Nixon once lived, and which \\as on his farm, was the building used for the hos[)ital. Tradition also says that the Browns, who at that time dwelt at a place just west of the residence of Hubbard Brown, were accustomed to carry milk to a designated spot, and put it in vessels left there to receive it by those in charge at the hospital.

In the north part of Sudbury there are several graves of persons who died of small-pox. Three of them are on the plain, a mile west of the old Pratt Tavern ; but they were levelled down by a person who came into possession of the place about 1825. Other graves are on the farm south of Mr. Jonathan Rice's Tavern, in the northwest part of the town. There is another at Bridle Point, just east of the bridge near the railroad crossing.

There were two pest-houses on the east side ; one on "the Island," and the other at the northeasterly part of the present town of Wayland, not far to the northerly of the Sumner Draper estate. There is a field in that vicinity still called the "pock pasture." On the Draper farm, not far back of the dwelling-house, are the graves of other victims of this dreaded disease. The following inscriptions are taken from stones that mark these graves :

IN MEMORY OF

MR. ZEBADIAH ALLEN

WHO DIED OF THE SMALL POX

JUNE 2, 1777 AGED 75 YEARS.

IN MEMORY OF

MARY, WIFE OF MR. ZEBADIAH ALLEN

WHO DIED OF THE SMALL POX

JUNE 7, 1777 AGED 75 YEARS.

These hospitals were designed especially for persons who desired to be inoculated for the disease with the virus of a small-pox patient. This method of treatment was introduced about 1721. For a time it met with great prejudice, but at length it gained ground, and many people incurred the risk involved in having the disease in this way, which, with proper treatment, was said to be very light, rather than the risk of taking it in the ordinary way by contagion. The following statistics, taken from Rev. Israel Loring's ^' Diary," will tend to show with what reason society believed in this method :

July 19th 1764. Persons who have had the small pox in Boston in the year 1764. : : : : .

In the natural way

Died

By inoculation

Died,

Whites

644

Blacks,

55

Total,

699

Whites,

102

Blacks,

22

Total,

124

Whites,

4690

Blacks,

207

Total,

4897

Whites,

43

Blacks,

3

Total, 46

Removed into the country to avoid the disease, 1537.

This old manner of practice is now among the things that were ; and with it the pest-houses, too, have passed away.

HIGHWAY WORK.

In 1751, it was voted that in highway work " eight hours shall be accounted for a days work," "two shillings shall be a day's wages for a man, or so in proportion to an hour ; " also " that one shilling be allowed for a good yoke of oxen a day."

In 1756, a proposition was started to raise money by way of a lottery to repair the long causeway from the town bridge to Lieut. Benjamin Estabrook's. When it came to townmeeting it "passed in the negative." In 1758, the town again proposed to raise and repair the long causeway, and

THE SUMMER RESIDENCE OF HON. HOMER ROGERS. Biographical Sketch, page 619. two short ones towards Lieutenant Estabrook's, and to do it hy means of a lotter3% To tliis proposition a formal remonstrance was presented, in which it was stated that the raisiijo; of the causeway would damage the meadow, by causing the water to flow back ; tliat there was "a good bridge over the river where peojole may travel at all seasons of tlie year, from Boston to Marlboro;" and that there is not "one foot of fall in said river for twenty-five or thirty miles." This remonstrance, however, did not prevent the ultimate accomplishment of this project. At a March meeting, 1758, the town voted to petition the General Court for leave to repair and raise the causeway by lottery, and chose the following committee to attend to the work : Col. John Noyes, William Bakhvin, and Col. Josiah Brown. The Court gave its assent, and made specifications and conditions as to how the scheme should proceed. One of the conditions was that drawing lotteries was not to continue over fifteen days, exclusive of Sunday. In these lotteries the town took ventures. In 1761 "the town voted to take the tickets in Sudbury Lottery third class, that shall remain unsold in the manager's hand, when the drawing 1^' Lottery shall commence, : : : and ordered the tickets that remain unsold aforesaid to be lodged with the Town Treasurer, on the da}^ the Lottery commences drawing." The town lost by this venture, as May 11, 1761, it "granted 27'^^ 12^ Lawful money, to defray the loss the town sustained by the tickets which the town voted to take, and ordered the assessors to vote it into a rate forthwith, and each person to have the liberty to work out his rate, provided he or they work it out at or before the time set for working out s'^ rate, and to be under the regulation of the managers of s^ Lottery." In October of the same year the question came up as to taking tickets in Sudbury lottery fourth class that should remain unsold in the hands of the managers when the drawing began. " The vote passed in the negative."

In 1653, it was "voted to accept of a highway laid out from Peletiah Deans North east corner, unto ye town way leading from the Training field b}^ Ephraim Curtis, Esq. by Lt. Rice's to Weston." The same date a road was laid out

334 HTSTOEY OF SUDBURY.

from " Mr. Jonathan Griffin's Corner, rnnning soutliwesterl}' into the way by Mr. Eliab Moor's North Corner, formerly Mr. John Adams'." In 1769, the town " granted money to improve a road lately laid out from Rev. Josiah Bridges, to the school house near the East meeting house." The schoolhouse was the old Newell Heard store, and the road referred to, was the present way from the Wellington place by H. B. Braman's into Wayland Centre. In 1773, the town took action to see if it would discontinue the road "leading from Dr. Roby's [now Warren Rol)y's] to Zecheriah Briant's [now H. B. Braman's] lying between the two county roads." This was a travelled road before the hwing out of the one last mentioned. It had its course from near the old Roby house, just west of Mr. Braman's, along the ridge toward Bridle Point. In 1774, the town accepted " a way laid out from Samuel Goodnow's dwelling house to the Lancaster road." The same date the town accepted a way " laid out from Lancaster old road to Lt. Joseph Willis' gate by the widow Brigham's dwelling house." In 1774, the town accepted a road "laid out from Mr. Thomas Walker's land leading to the west meeting house." In 1771, money was granted "to widen the causy at Iron Works meadow." Jabez Puffer, John Balcom, and Joseph Willis were chosen a committee.

SCHOOLS.

While the town was advancing in means for the public convenience and safety, educational matters were progressing also. In 1751, the selectmen agreed " with Mr. W™ Cook [only son of Rev. Mr. Cook] to keep a grammar school . . . for six months, beginning the school the first day of November; and also to teach children & youth to Read English and Wright and Instruct them in Rethmetick, and to keep the school in the Town School House as the Selectmen shall from time to time order For the sum of Twelve pounds Exclusive of his Board." It was voted that year that the grammar schools should be kept in the two town schoolhouses by each meeting-house. This shows us where two of the town school-houses stood at that time ; and this, with other records, show that school matters were at that time conducted by the Board of Selectmen. Another record of 1756 shows where two other scliool-houses i^tood, inasmuch as the town voted that year tliat the grammar school should be kept at four places, "■ two at the school houses near the meeting house, one at the school house near Joseph Smith's, and the other at that near Nathan Goodnow's." John Monroe was to keep the school, and have five pounds thirteen shillings four pence for a quarter, and the town was to pay his board. Other school-houses were also alluded to in the following record made the same year: " The town voted 14 pounds for a reading and writing school, and that it should be kept at four places, viz, at the school house near Samuel Puffer's [perhaps the Pantry school], at the one near Deacon Rice's, at the one near Joseph Stanhope's, and the one near the house of Jonas Brewer."

In 1755, the towni " voted for Grammar school 30 pounds, three fifths to be spent on the west side, and two fifths on the east side the river; for the west side the school was to l)e kept at the farm." In 1752, it "• voted for the support of the Grammar school in sd town the year ensuing 37 pounds 6 shillings 8 pence." The school was to be held in five places, "two on the east side the river and three on the west, in places as followeth. In the school house near the house of Mr. Joseph Smith, and in a convenient place or near the house of Dea Jonas Brewer as may be, or in a convenient place as near the house of Mr. Edward More as may be, and in a convenient place as near the house of L* Daniel Noyes as may be, and in the school house near to and northerly from the house of Dea Jonathan Rice all in sd town." The same year the town voted that " the Reading & writingschool should be kept In the two Town school houses the year ensuing." During this period several school-houses were built, which stood about half a century. In 1705, it was "" voted, that the School house near [the] East meeting house [should] be improved, [and] to build a new school house near said meeting liouse." This may have been afterwards the Newell Heard store. Besides school-houses repaired and built, an attempt was made to supply them with fuel at the town's expense. It is recorded, that, March 1, 1774, the town voted " to see if [it] will order that the several school houses in said town shall he supplied with wood for the future at the charge of the town, agreeable to the petition of Jacob Reed and others." " The article passed in the negative."

FOURTH FREISICH AND INDIAN WAR.

The peace that followed the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was of short duration. But a few brief years elapsed before the thunder tones of a terrible conflict burst on the ears of a startled land, and sent a shudder to hearts and homes. For the fourth time the English and French were to cross their Aveapons in an inter-colonial war. For years the two nations had been expanding in population and power on the American shores, and during this interval they had been fanning the old flame of jealousy which had its origin far back in a feudal age. Each was desirous of supremacy on this side the Atlantic, and to obtain it each was strengthening its lines for aggressive and defensive work. The one power worked on the seaboard, and extended its operations from the Penobscot a thousand miles south; the other stretched its lines of defense along the far-distant interior, and dotted the valley of the St. Lawrence River, the margins of the Mississippi and far-distant lakes, even to the borders of the Gulf of Mexico, with its trading-posts, its strongholds, and its papal missions. These powers sought the same common prize, the conquest of the country. Already the English claimed that part of it south of the latitude of the north shore of Lake Erie, and westward to the far-off Pacific, by right of charter. Alread}^ the Frenchman disputed this right, and claimed the interior as it bordered the Mississippi River and its tributaries, by right of exploration and settlement. Which was to be the permanent title was to be settled, not by diplomac}^ but by the arbitrament of the musket, tomahawk, and torch. The French earh' prepared for this mode of adjusting their claims. More than sixty fortifications had been constructed by them prior to 1750. The English, made suspicious by the erection of garrisons, and knowing the significance of trading-posts in the interior of the country, prepared to arrest the course of the foe.

Before, however, a settlement was effected a long and severe war ensued ; so severe, indeed, was the struggle, that long after the period was past its events were prominent in the annals of New England. Tradition kept them alive as the years rolled by, and the wild scenes set forth by survivors became the subject of ballad and song. Long after the struggle had ceased, tales of those times were recited by the blazing hearth, as, gathered by the fitful fire4ight, groups of listeners gave ear to the thrilling rehearsal, while they watched the changeful glow of the coals as they crackled and crumbled on their ashen bed. The snow-shoes, brousfht down from the garret, where they had long lain amid the dust of that mystic place, were reminders of the cold, rough march, and the noiseless procession of rangers, as they sped over the pathless snow. The bright fire-light, as it flickered up the chimney's broad flue ; the mossy wood, newly cut, in the corner, all were alike suggestive of forest adventure, of the lone sentinel guard in the dark, deep shade, and of tales told by the light of camp-fires in places far from home.

The war was to a large extent carried on by expeditions or campaigns, the object of which was to capture the strongholds of Canada. We will give lists of Sudbury soldiers who were in these campaigns.

CROWN POINT EXPEDITION.

In 1755, a regiment was raised, and placed under command of Col. Josiah Brown of Sudbury, for the purpose of preventing the encroachments of the French about Crown Point and upon " Lake Iroquois, commonly called by the French, Lake Champlain." The regiment belonged to the command of William Johnson. The following is a list of the field and staff officers :

Josiah Brown, Col. Samuel Brigham, Surgeon.

John Cummings, Lt. Col, Benjamin Gott, Surgeon's Mate

Steven Miller, Major David Mason, Commissary

Samuel Dunbar, Chaplain Joseph Lovering, Adjutant Sej)t. 10, 1755, Samuel Dakiu received a commission as captain of foot in this regiment. The muster-roll of his company contains forty-eight names, of which the following are supposed to be from Sudbury:

Capt. S. Dakin Sam' Grout

Elisha Cutler Jason Gleason

Silas Clapp • Abel Farrar

Moses Puffer Josiah Barker

Nath' Eveleth Ephriam Woods, Jr.

Sam' Gibbs J"" Samuel Estabrook

Sam' Burbank Lt. Joseph Baker

Joseph Sherman Jon^ Barrett

Sudbury men in a second list of Capt. Samuel Daldn's Company, 1755 :

Samuel Grout sergt. Samuel Mead, Jr.

David Eveleth corp' Jason Gleason

Jonathan Bent Nathaniel Gibbs

Silas Clapp Samuel Burbank

Silas Puffer Moses Jones

Joseph Maynard Charles VVetherbe

W™ Skinner Abijah Brigham

Simon Maynard Josiah Sherman

Jedediah Parmenter Josiah Walker.

Sudbury men in Capt. Jonathan Hoar's company, 1755 :

Adam Gilbert Charles Roiley

Uriah Choochett Jonathan Stanhope.

Sudbury men in the Crown Point expedition of 1756, in Capt. Ebenezer Newell's company :

John Nixon Lieut. [Fram] Micah Grout

Ensign Joseph Brintnall Leavitt How

Warren Goodenow Isaac Goodenow Ezra Barker

Sudbury men in Capt. John Nixon's company, 1756 :

Samuel Parmenter Samuel Putnam

Phinehas Haynes W™ Puffer

Samuel Burbank Jon'J. Maynard Eph. Hayden Sudbury men in a third list of Capt. Samuel Dakiu's company :

Samuel Grout Joseph Sherman

David Evelith Jonathan Bent

Silas Clapp Joseph Maynard

W" Skinner Silas Puffer

Jedediah Parmenter Simon Maynard

Samuel Mead Jr. Jason Gleason

Nathaniel Gibbs , Moses Stone

Samuel Burbank Abijah Brigham Charles Wetherbe

Sudbury men in other lists are as follows : Crown Point expedition in Capt. William Jones' company, Colonel Thatcher's regiment :

Jonas Balcom Miles Realy

Ebenezer Woodis Nathaniel Hayden

Leavitt How Nathan Maynard

Oliver Grout Jonas Gibbs

Benjamin Gleason Solomon How

Joseph Mungry Nathan Smith Micah Grout

In Col. John Jones' regiment for the invasion of Canada, under command of General Amherst :

Joel Clapp Daniel Parmenter

Silas Hemenway Isiah Parmenter

Joseph Green Cole

Ebenezer Wooddis Samuel Putman Andrew White

In Capt. Josiali Richardson's compau}'. Col. Joseph Buckminster's regiment :

Jonas Balcom Miles Realy

Joseph Muzzy Nathaniel Hayden

Leavet How Nathan Maynard Micah Grout

In the company of Capt. John Nixon of Sudbury, 1761:

Isaiah Parmenter, Serg' ■ Uriah Gibbs.

Ebenezer Woodes, Corp' Moses Haynes Caleb Clark Ephraim Hayden Nathaniel Cutter ■ Isaac Lincoln

Benj'' Cutter Jesse Putnam

Ben]^ Clark John Putnam

W™ Daniels Daniel Parmenter

Josiah Everton. David Rice

Ephraim Goodnow Jun. Elijah Willis. Thomas Green

In Capt. Moses Maynard's company :

Oliver Gould Benjamin Gleason

Others in the service :

John Rutter. Samuel Graves

Josiah Baldwin. Daniel Wyman.

Josiah Pratt.

Lieut. Samuel Curtis and eighteen men joined Capt. Samuel Dakin's company in the expedition to Canada in 1758.

The following lists contain the names of the active militia force of Sudbury, April, 1757. Many whose names are in these lists engaged in one or more of the campaigns as the war progressed, and then returned to exchange the musket or sword for the implements of peaceful pursuits, still holding themselves in readiness at their country's call to place their names again on the muster-roll :

A List of The Officers and Soldiers of the First Foot Company in Sudbury under the command of Capt. Moses Maynard, L' Joseph Curtis and En, Jason Glezen.

Sarg John Rice Abraham Jenkens Jun.

" Israel Rice Ebenezer King

" Samuell Russell Joseph Trask

" Isaac Cutting. Thomas Allen Jun

Corp^ Jonathan Underwood Elijah Rice

" Nehemiah Williams John Parmenter Jun

" Josiah Farrar Grindly Jackson

" Sami Fisk Caleb Moulton

Drum. John Combs. Bezaleel Moore

" W™ Russell. Timothy Underwood

Joseph Smith Phineas Gleyen 341

Shemnel Griffyn Joseph Rutter Samu" Abbott Randall Davis Jun W"' Mouitoii John Parmenter Sam' Gould Jun. Ephraim Smith Jonathan Graves Jacob Alderick Sam' Livermore Charles Wetheaby W" Ravis David Bent Isaac Damon James Davis Henery Coggin W>" Dudly Micah Rice Isaac Wetheaby Jonathan Belcher Ephraim Abbott John Allen Benj* Glezen A true Copy taken Apr. 25, 1757

A true list of the 2ond Foot Company Cap'° Josiah Richardson taken by Ezek

Samu" Griffyn Micah Maynard W™ Grout Edw** Sharmon Jun John Walker John Meriam Edmond Rice Jason Glezen Elijah Ross John Morffet Benj* Cory Ebenezer Staples Sam' Pool Zebedi.ih Allen Jun Josiah Maynard Jonas Woodward Benj^ A. Williams David Patterson David Stone Jason Glezen Jun Thomas Bent Jun Thadeus Russell James Ross W'" Sanderson

Sam^ Curtis, Clerk.

in Sudbury under command of iel How Clerk, April y« 25"^

Capt. Josiah Richardson Lef°' Abijah Haynes Ens'" Jabez Puffer Serg' Joseph Willis Serg' Elijah Smith Serg' Corneleas Wood Serg^ David Moore Corp Joseph Stanhope Corp Samuell Eaton Corp Oliver. Dackin Corp Josiah Richardson Jun. Drum. Jessie Willis

" W™ Rice Jun. John Rice John Reamos Jonas Gibs John Jacob Cibellar

W™ Skiner W'" Gibs W"' Hayden , Isaac Hunt Jun Jeams Wier Ephriam Rice Ephriam Goodenow Elijah Parmenter Ezekiel Parmenter Ephriam Hayden Edmond Goodenow Eben'' Burbank Eben"" Woode Geo. Wheller Geo. Mossmon Joseph Maynard Jun Jeames Carter

542 Leavit How Micah Goodenow Michall Mellong Morris Clarrey Micah Parmenter Micah Grout Miells Rayley Mosies Rice Nathan Moore Nathaniel Gibs Jun. Nathaniel Muzzey Norman Saever Nathaniel Cuter Rowen Boogrill Reubin Willis Richard Ralley Reubin Norse Oliver Mors I'eletiah Parmenter Edward Bointon Patrick Roach Simeon- Harris Samuiell Parmenter Samuiell Osbon Samuiell Brigham Samuiell Dackin Jun Samuiell Burbank Jun Samuiell Puffer Jun Samuiell Knight Jun Silas Balkom Silas Puffer Silas Smith Samuiell Putnam Thomas Goodenow Thomas Walker Jun Uriah Parmenter Jun W" Parmenter Daniel Noyse Jun

James Haynes Isaack Linckon Jeames Thompson Jonathan Maynard Josiah Haynes John Mossman Jonas Hallden Jonas Hayden Isrial Haynes Jeams Puffer Jonal Balcom Josiah Rice John Willis John Burbank Josiah Bennit Jun Jonathan Haynes Jonathan Rice Jun John Goodenow John Puffer Jeams Puffer Jun .Joseph Muzzey Jun Aron Haynes Abijah Walker Ambrus Tower Asa Smith Asiell Clap Aron Johnson Abel Brown Aron Eams Andrew White Benimin Tower Beniman Berry David Maynard Jun Daniell Clap Daniell Bowken David Clark Daniell Parmenter

There was ako in Sudbury wliat was called an Alarm List. This included persons between the ages of sixteen and sixty, who were ordinarily exempt from military duty, but were liable to be called upon in emergencies. The following are the names on an Alarm List which is supposed to have been commanded by Capt. Thomas Damon. 343

List of those persons who are obliged to appear on an alarm, between

the ages of 16 and GO in the First foot Company in Sudbury. Apr 25.

1757

Samuel Curtis, Clerk.

Ebenezer Roby, Esq. W'" Cook Jun W" Baldwin Ebenezer Roby Jun. Abial Abbott Isaac Baldwin Naham Baldwin John Ross. Zecariah Briant. Benj" Briant Benj° Ball Daniel Wyman James Patterson Thomas Bent Joseph Goodnow Elijah Bent Cor. Thomas Damon James Graves Amos Sanderson Ezra Graves Joseph Livermore Isaac Rice Peter Bent

Zebediah Allen Paul Brintnai. Hopstill Bent, Joseph Beal. Joseph Sharmon, James Brewer jun. Eliakim Rice. Benjaman Dudley Samuel Parris. Peter Bent Jun Thomas Graves Isaac Woodward Thomas Jenkinson David McDaniels Daniel Moore Jun Amos Brown Jonathan Patterson Elisha Rice Jun. Peter Briant David Sharmon Josiah Haynes Isaac Stone Jonathan Griffin.

In August, 1757, the men on both the Active and Alarm Lists were mustered for service. The year had been one of disaster to the English and American forces ; and, on August 3, General Montcalm with about nine thousand French and one thousand Indians besieged Fort William Henry, which he captured after a six daj's" siege, during which time it was gallantly defended by Colonel Monroe with a force of twenty-three hundred and seventy -two men. The report of the disaster was sad intelligence to New England and consternation prevailed. The militia were called to arms, and soon a large part of those on both the Active and Alarm Lists were on their way towards Fort ATilliam Henry ; but Montcalm not taking advantage of his victory in the way that was expected, in about two weeks the troops returned. ' The following are the officers of a troop of horse in Sudbury in 1762 :

Capt. John Noyes 1st Lieut. Israel Moore 2ond Lieut. Richard Heard Cornet, Jonathan Parmenter Quarter Master, Samuel How,

Officers of the troop of horse in Sudbury in 1771 :

FIRST COMPANY. SECOND COMPANY.

Capt. Joseph Curtis Capt. Aaron Haynes

1st Lieut. Micah Maynard. 1st Lieut. Daniel Bowker

2ond Lieut. Ebenezer Staples. Ens. James Puffer. Ens. Samuel Choate

THIRD COMPANY.

Capt. Samuel Knight 1st Lieut. Moses Stone

The foregoing lists indicate that the town was well represented in the last French war, and that its militia force was quite strong. Some of the officers whose names are given were prominent citizens. Col. Josiah Brown has been mentioned in connection with military operations of a preceding period. Capt. John Nixon, who in 1759, is mentioned as a citizen of Sudbury, was, subsequentl}^ General Nixon of Revolutionary fame. Other of her soldiers who became efficient officers in the Revolutionary War received their first lessons in military tactics in this severe school.

In one of the expeditions of this war, the town sustained the 'loss of Capt. Dakin and several others of its citizens, who were killed by the Indians at Half-Way Brook, near Fort Edward, July 20, 1758. At the time of this event, Capt. Dakin and his company were connected with the expedition of General Amherst against Crown Point. The following brief account of the attendant circumstances are stated in a diary kept by Lieut. Samuel Thomson of Woburn :

" July 20, Thursday in the morning, 10 men in a scout waylaid by the Indians and shot at and larmed the fort and a number of our men went out to assist them, and the enemy followed our men down to our Fort, and in their retreat, Capt. Jones and Lient. Godfrey were killed, and Capt Lawrence and Capt. Dakin and Lieut. Curtis and Ens" Davis, and two or three non-commissioned officers and privates, to the number of 14 men, who were brought into the Fcjrt, all scalped but Ens" Davis, who was killed within 30 or 40 rods from the Fort: and there was one grave dug, and all of them were buried together, the officers by themselves at one end, and the rest at the other end of the grave ; and Mr. Morrill made a prayer at the grave, and it was a solemn funeral ; and i!^ath' Eaton died in the Fort and was buried ; and we kept a very strong guard that night of 100 men. Haggit [and] W'" Coggin wounded."

Then follows a list of the killed, beginning,

Capt. Ebenezer Jones of Willmington Capt Dakin of Sudbury

Lieut Samuell Curtice of Ditto Private Grout of do

" We have also an account that there are seven of our men carried into Ticonderoga, which make up the number of those that were missing.

" 21. Friday, in y'^ forenoon a party of about 150 went out to find more men that were missing, and we found 4 men who were scalped, and we buried them, and so returned : and at prayer this evening we were Laromed by a false outcry. Nicholas Brown died and was buried ; and Moses Haggit died."

As Jonathan Patterson and Nathaniel Moulton of Sudbury are reported missing, they may have been among the number above referred to.

The following epitaph of Captain Dakin was written by William Rice, Esq., who was his orderly sergeant.

Good by, Capt. Dakin Samuell.

In a battle near Lake Georoe he fell.

t

■ In the death of Captain Dakin, a loss was sustained by the town, the church, and the province. The following sketch contains some facts concerningf his life. SKETCH OF CAPTAIN DAKIN.

Samuel Dakin was a son of Deacon Joseph Dakin, whose father, Thomas, settled in Concord prior to 1650. In 1722, he married Merc}^ Minott, daughter of Colonel Minott who built the first framed house in Concord. The farm of Captain Dakin was in the northern part of Sudbury, on the road running northerly to Concord, his house being very near the town boundary. As early as 1745, he was appointed ensign of the second company of foot in Sudbury, of which Josiah Richardson was captain and Joseph Buckminster was colonel. Sept. 10, 1755, he received the commission of captain in Col. Josiah Brown's regiment. In May, 1758, he received an order from Ebenezer Nichols to be present with his company at Worcester on the 25th, and to furnish his men with " Bounty for Biliting." From Worcester he proceeded to Fort Edward, where he probably arrived about the middle of June, and in the vicinit}^ of which he remained till his death, which occurred as before described. Captain Dakin was not only valiant in his country's service but valiant in the army of the Lord as well. His character as a Christian is indicated by the following covenant, copied from the original, which is still in the possession of one of his descendants.

COVENANT.

O, Thou Glorious God I Thou hast promised mercy in Christ Jesus, if I turn to Thee with my whole heart. I therefore upon the call of the Gospel, do come and throwing down my weapons of rebellion, do submit to Thy mercy, as Thou requirest as the condition of ni}' acceptance with Thee, that I put away mine idols and be at defiance with Thine enemies, which I acknowledge I have wickedly sided with against Thee, I do now from my heart renounce them all, firmly covenanting with Thee not to allow myself in au}^ known sin, but constantly to use all means that I know Thou hast prescribed, for the death and destruction of my corruptions, and as my heart has been running after this world and sin and vanity, I do now resign it to Thee that made it, protesting before Tliy Glorious Majesty, that it is the firm resolution of my heart and that I do unfeignedly desire grace from Thee, that when Thou shalt call me hereunto, I may practice this my resolution, and by Thine assistance, to forsake that which is dear to me in this world, rather than turn from Thee to the ways of sin, and Thou wilt enable me to work against all temptations, whether in prosperity or in adversity, lest they draw my heart from Thee. O, Glorious God, I would again come before Thee with all possible veneration bowing myself at the feet of Thy Glorious Majesty. I do here take the Lord Jehovah, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, for my portion and chief good, and do give up myself body and soul for service to serve Thee all the days of my life I do here upon the bended knees of my soul, accept of Jesus as the only way by which sinners have access to God. I do this day take the Lord to be my Lord, and Jesus Christ to be my Saviour, resolving to serve Thee in all my affairs. I do renounce my former righteousness, and take Thee to be " The Lord my righteousness " and am willing to take my lot as it falls, as to the goods of this world, leaving all my concerns with Thee, verily supposing that nothing separate me from the love of Jesus Christ my Lord and dear Redeemer, and from this da}^ I shall be bold to call the Lord Jehovah my Father, and Jesus Christ my Redeemer, and the Holy Ghost my sanctifier, hoping that my God will suffer no allowed sin to make void this covenant, and this covenant that I have made on earth, may it be ratified in heaven. Amen & Amen.

July 27th 1753. memorandum.

This day renew tliis covenant having often broken it. The Lord accept me again for his great mercy sake in Jesus Christ.

Sept. 29th 1756. memorandum.

This day renew this covenant, having often broken it, although nothing hath failed on God's part and now going on an Expedition against the enemy at Crown point, I have given myself up wholly to God to be at His disposal in life or death, and O that God would accept of me again for Jesus Christ's sake. May 2Cd 1758. memorandum. This day renew this covenant with God, and while going on an expedition against Canada I have left myself wholly in the hands of God, to be at His disposal in life or death.

Samuel Dakin.

Captain Dakin's character is also shown b}' the followingextracts from letters to his wife while he was serving in the Canada campaign. In a letter dated Sept. 26, 1755, he says : " I am in good health and my company are so obedient to me and so loving one to another that it makes my life exceeding comfortable and pleasant. I have never yet heard one thwarting word in my company, bnt they seem all to have a brotherly care one for another, and have never heard one profane word among them, and their forwardness to attend religious exercises is delightful to me so that I have many mercies."

In a letter of June 10, 1758, he speaks of the condition of his company, and says : " they are all well, and I hope I shall be very happy in my company, and the}^ are very ready to attend prayers and singing of Psalms which we have practiced on our journey."

July 11, 1758, in writing from Lake George he says: "And now my dear wife and children, I desire you would not distress yourselves about me but commit me in your prayers to God to be wholly at his disposal and I hope by his preserving providence I shall after awhile rejoice with you again in my own house ; but if not I hope we shall all rejoice together in heaven which will be spiritually better." Before he closes his letter he asks for their prayers for himself, his men, and the whole army.

Such are some extracts from the correspondence of this Christian soldier. They serve, not only to set forth the character of the man, but of an officer in the military service of those times. Surely, if Captain Dakin was a representative of that generation of men, no wonder that the cause for wliich they fought was at last triumphant. His descendants have been prominent citizens of Sudbury. Levi and Thomas, grandson and great grandson, were deacons in the Congregational Church.

JfflSTORY OF SUDBURY. 349

Not only were the New England towns called upon to furnish men for the war, but then* equipment and maintenance also when in the field. As the soldiers to an extent enlisted for single campaigns, repeatedly, the expense of fitting out demanded new contributions. This condition of things occasioned heavy taxation and the issuing of bills of credit by the government. Besides the money provided by the public for the prosecution of the Avar, some means were furnished by the merchants, farmers and others for the encourao'eraent of enlistments.

FRENCH NEUTRALS.

Among other services rendered by the towns was the maintenance of what were termed French Neutrals, the people whom Longfellow has described in his poem, "Evangeline." As Sudbury had some of these to care for, a few words relative to their general history may be appropriate. Upon the cession of the province of Nova Scotia by France to the British in 1713, a colony of about seven thousand French Roman Catholics became subjects of Great Britain. These colonists were allowed to remain on the land they had occupied, on condition of their taking the oath of allegiance to England. The oath was taken with the qualification that, in case of war against France, they were not to take up arms against their own countrymen. It was thus they acquired the name of French Neutrals. But it was alleged that, during the war which began in 1755, they furnished the French and Indians with substantial aid, thus enabling them the better to harass the English, that three hundred of them were found in arms at the taking of Fort BeauSejour, and that although an offer was made to such as had not resorted to arms to still hold their estate on taking the oath of allegiance without qualification, yet the}* one and all refused to do so. In view of this attitude, the English believed that the public safety required their removal from the province. If they were taken to Canada they would "still be enabled to assist the French. It was, therefore, determined to convey them to different parts of the British Colonies. The plan of removing them was largely intrusted to the forces of Massacliusetts under command of LieutenantColonel Win slow.

At an appointed time, the people were called into the different ports "to hear tlie King's orders." About four hundred of their best men assembled at the village of Grand Pre. A guard being placed about the church where they were, Colonel Winslow made known his sad errand.

One thousand of these French Neutrals arrived in the Massachusetts Bay Province and were supported at public expense. Different towns, among which was Sudbury, had their quota to care for. Repeatedly is there a record of supplies furnished them by the town. The following is a general statement of some of these, and also a bill of attendance and medicine furnished l)y Dr. Roby, one of Sudbury's old time physicians.

An account of what hath been expended by s"^ Town of Sudbury on Sundry French Persons sent from Nova Scotia to this province and by s'^ government to Town of Sudbury.

The subsisting of Eighteen persons ten days six persons three weeks, and four persons twenty-three weeks, the whole amounting to one hundred and twenty-seven weeks for one person charged at four shillings week for each person ^25 8*

Ephraim Curtis . Ebenezer Roby

Josiah Brown Josiah Haynes

John Noyes Samuel Dakin

Elijah Smith. Selectmen.

Some of them being sick a great many comers and goers to visit them made the expense the greater even thirteen or fourteen at a time for a week together.

State Archives, Vol. XXI II., page 98.

MASSACHUSETTS PROVINCE.

For medicine and attendants for the French Neutrals from Nova Scotia.

1755, Dec. 11 To Sundry Medicines for French young woman 27 To Do. for girl 6'i

175G, Mar. 22, To Sundry Medicines and Journey in the night west side the River 0-5-8

To Sundry Medicines Journey west side 0-4-0

To Do. 4' To Journey and Medicines 0-7-0

To Do. \ for the old Gentleman when he fell off the House an4 was greatly bruised and sick of a fever the clavicula being broke.May, 1750, To medicine and attendants for the old Gentleman, the whole month of May and his wife greatest part of the time himself when dangerously sick of a fever, violent coughs and are still remaining in a low languishing condition.

N. B. The above old gentleman and wife have been in a low languishing condition all the spring and have had no more doctoring than what has been of absolute necessity.

.State Archives, Vol. XXIII., page 97.

Melancholy, indeed, was the fate of those ancient Acadians. Although the circumstances were such that the English may have considered their removal a military necessity, yet the fact remains that sorrow and hardship attended their exile. They were strangers in a strange land. Their pleasant homes Avere abandoned, and with their lands passed into the hands of another race.

" Waste are those pleasant farms and the farmers forever departed ; Scattered like dust and leaves when the mighty blasts of October Seize them, and whirl them aloft and sprinkle them far o'er the ocean."

Feb. 10, 1763, a treaty of peace was signed at Paris, and the long, arduous struggle between the two great nations ceased. The announcement brought great joy to New England. Dsijs, of public thanksgiving were observed, and praise was offered unto Him " from whom all blessings flow." No longer was Canada to be a place from which a foe could sally forth to harass the exposed frontier, and to which he could return with his captives and booty. The same flag was to float over New England and beyond tlie northern border, and the Canadian fortresses were to be manned by English or American soldiers.

In yet another way did this war bring its benefits to Americans. It gave them a knowledge of the military tactics of Europe, by which they were the better able to cope with the British when, in after 3'ears, they met them on the memorable fields of the Revolutionary War.

About ten years after the close of the war both precincts lost their pastors. The first that died was Mr. Cook, who passed a\vay in 1760. That year the town voted " sixty-five pounds to each of tlie Rev'^ ministers for the year ensuing inclading their salary and fire wood ; in case they or either of them should decease before the expiration of the year, then they or either of them to receive their salary in proportion during the time tliey shall live and no longer."

This may indicate that their death was anticipated. Another record indicates that Mr. Cook had been sick some time when this vote was passed, as the town book goes on to state, " The same meeting granted thirty-three pounds, six shillings six pence to pay persons who had supplied the pulpit in Mr. Cook's confinement, and also granted thirty pounds more to supply the pulpit during his sickness, and chose a committee to provide preaching in the meantime." May 11, 1761, the town appropriated seventeen pounds, six shillings, eight pence " out of the money granted for the Rev. Mr. Cook's salary in the year 1760, to defray the Rev. Mr. Cook's funeral expenses."

Mr. Cook had one son who taught the grammar school for years in Sudbury, and died of a fever in 1758. After the decease of Mr. Cook, another minister was soon sought for on the east side. A little disturbance, and perhaps delay, was occasioned b}^ a petition sent to the General Court relating to the settlement of another minister on the east side the river. But the matter was amicably adjusted by a vote of the town ; whereby it decided " not to send an agent to the General Court to show cause or reason why the petition of Deacon Adam Stone and others relating to the settlement of a Gospel minister on the East side the river should not be granted." The town furthermore voted, that the " prayers of the petition now in Court should be granted. Provided the Court would Grant and confirm the like Privilege to the West Church and Congregation when there shall be reason. John Noyes Moderator."

The way cleared of obstructions a new pastor was soon found. Choice was made of Rev. Josiah Bridge. Oct. 14, 1761, Capt. Moses Maynard was allowed twelve shillings '■'■ for his travel to Lunenburg to wait on Mr. Bridge ; " and, at the same meeting, it was " voted to grant to Mr. Bridge liis settlement and salary as he had contracted with the East Precinct for, and ordered the assessors to assess the iiihaljitaiits of the town for the same."

Delegates .were duly chosen by the West Side Church, Nov. 3, 17G1, to attend Mr. Bridge's ordination, Deacon Haynes, John Haynes, Josiah Richardson, and Cornelius Wood. jNIr. Bridge was a native of Lexington, and graduate of Harvard College in 1758. He was ordained Nov. 4, 1761, and died June 19, 1801, aged sixty-two, and in the fortieth year of his ministry. A few years after Mr. Cook's decease Rev. Mr. Loring also passed away, his death occurring March 9, 1772.

The West Church voted, April 7, 1772, " to set apart Thursday next as a day of Fasting and prayer to seek ye direction and blessing of heaven on the endeavor to settle another Gospel Minister among them." Also, " voted that the Rev. Mr. Stone of Southboro, Rev. Mr. Bridge of the East Precinct, Rev. Mr. Bridge of Framingham, and Rev. Mr. Swift of Marlboro be requested to give their presence and assistance. Exercises to commence at 10 o'clock." May 6, 1772, the town " granted Eighteen pound Lawful money for to pay the charge of Rev. Mr. Loring's Funeral," also at the same date it Avas " voted that the remainder of the [money] granted to pay the Rev. Mr. Loring's salary should be applied for supplying the pulpit."

SKETCH OF MR. LORING.

The service of Mr. Loring in the church at Sudbury was long and fruitful. He died in the ninetieth year of his age and the sixty-sixth year of his ministry. It was said of him that " as he earnestly desired and praj^ed that he might be serviceable as long as he should live, so it pleased God to vouchsafe his request, for he continued to preach 'till the last Sabbath but one before his death, and the next day prayed in the town meeting, which was on the 2"'^ day of the month. The night following he was taken ill, and on the 9'" of March 1772, he expired." Mr. Loring had pious parentage; His father, Mr. John Loring of Hull, came from England, Dec. 22, 1631. It has been said of him that, like

354 History of sudbury.

Obadiah, " he feared the Lord greatly." His mother was also religious, and '' praj-ed with her family in her husband's absence." Mr. Loring was born at Hull, Mass., April 6, 1682. It is supposed lie was converted in his youth. He graduated at Harvard College in 1701. He began to preach at Scituate, lower parish, Aug. 1, 1703, and preached first at Sudbury July 29, 1705. In the year 1723, on the 25th of July, he removed to the west side of the river, where he continued in service until flesh and strength failed. He left two sons and four daughters, his son Jonathan having died some years before the death of his father. Elizabeth, born Nov. 16, 1712, married Richard Manson of Sudbury, June G, 1746. Mary, born Sept. 14, 171G, married Elisha Wheeler, and died, Jan. 22, 1801. Nathan, born Nov. 27, 1721, married Keziah Woodward, Dec. 31, 1747, who died July 28, 1754. He married a second time, and died April 25, 1803. " He was a farmer, and lived on the place afterwards owned by Loring Wheeler 1st." On the fidelity of Mr. Loring's ministry we need offer no comments: his works are his memorials. At the time of his installation at Sudbury the church numbered one hundred and twenty, forty-one males and sevent3^-nine females. During his ministry four hundred and fifty were added to it ; of these, forty-two males and seventy-two females were added before tlie division of the church, and, after the division, there were added to the West Church one hundred and twentj^-nine males and two hundred and seven females. The whole number of children baptized by Mr. Loring in Sudbury was fourteen hundred.

It has been said concerning his service on the West Side, " Thus did this excellent and venerable man thro' a longseries of years, burn and shine in eminent Piety, indefatigable Dilligence, faithfulness, and distinguished usefulness of truly primitive stamp. Heu Pietas ! heu prisca Fides ! " It is said, further, that he was " honored and revered by all whose regards were worth receiving ; and for a great number of years was the head and the glory and delight of the ministry." Beside these substantial testimonials of merit. he has left various publications which also set forth his Avorth. Some of these printed works are as follows :

"The nature and necessaty of the New Birth, (a sermon.) Printed for and sold by D. Henchman, over against the British meeting house. MDCCXXVIII."

"Serious thoughts on the miseries of hell. (Preached at Sudbury, Sunday, Feb. 20, 1731-2.)"

Several other sermons on important reh'gious subjects were published, also an election sermon, of date 1739 ; a convention sermon, 1742, and others not mentioned liere, making in all eleven publications. He also kept a succession of diaries, some of which are still extant. They are closely written and somewhat hard to be read, but contain valuable matter that pertains to the affairs of both province and town. Mr. Loring was a strong Calvinist, an earnest preacher and somewhat noted minister. It is said he did not like the ways of INIr. Whitefield, the evangelist, and the excitement attendant upon his revivals ; and this, together with some other matters, led to some unpleasantness for a time. He was fine looking, tall, slender, and of dark complexion. When he lived on the East Side, he occupied the parsonage which the town provided for Mr. Sherman. In 1778, the town voted " to give to Mr. Isreal Loring our present minister ye 4 acres of land and ye building now upon it y^ 3'e bought of John Loker to him and his heirs forever, on y^s'^ Mr. Isreal Loring relinquishing ye £50 which y^ town granted him." (See Chapter XV.)

Thus lived and died a good and great man; but "though dead he yet speaketh."

" The precious memory of the just Shall flourish when they sleep in dust."

After the death of Mr. Loring, the church did not remain long dependent upon a temporary supply. On July 27, 1772, it proceeded to select a Gospel minister, and the Rev. Jacob Bigelow was unanimously chosen. He was to have a salary of seventy-four pounds. He was ordained Nov. 11, J772. The following churches were represented on the occasion of ordination : East Precinct, Josiali Bridge ; Waltham, Jacob Gushing; Weston, Samuel Woodward; Sherburn, Elijah Brown ; Framingham, INIatthew Bridge ; Lexington, Jonas Clark ; Westborough, Ebenezer Parkman.

MISCELLANEOUS.

For a time preceding the Revolution, the West Side was divided into the North and South Wards. In 1765, Richard Heard offered to collect the taxes on the East Side the river for three pence per pound if the}^ would appoint him collector and constable ; and Aaron Ha3'nes offered to collect them for the North Ward, West Side, and Jedediah Parmenter for the South Ward at the same rates.

In 1765, the town " voted to build a new stone pound between Lieut. Augustus Moors' dwelling house at the gravel pit, on Col. Noyes land Avhich he promised to give the town to set a pound on bj^ Dead." The pound was to be " 30 feet square from Enside to Enside 6 ft high with pieces of timber locked together round the top 8 inches square, for six pounds and the old pound."

In 1771, the town voted to build a powder-house in which to keep the town's stock of ammunition. It granted for this object " 7 pounds 9 shillings and 4 pence, and agreed with Col. John Noyes to build it, and place it near or on W"" Baldwin's land near Major Curtis'." Another record of the same year states that "the town voted to erect the powder house on the training field near Mr, Elisha Wheelers." In 1773, it " voted to remove the powder house to some suitable place on or near the gravel pit hill, and chose a committee to remove the same, if the committee should think the house will be sufficient for the use it was built for, and rough cast and underpin said building."

In 1772, the town " gave leave to John Balcom, Joseph Willis, Abijali Brigham, and Jonathan Smith, to set up a small House on the town land near the west meeting house for the people to repair to on the Sabbath day." There may have been other similar buildings erected near. They were intended as a convenient resort for the people, during the interval between services on Sunday, for the purpose of warming themselves and eating their dinners.

May 17, 1773, the town chose a committee " to consider and report what is proper to be done in order to suppress that set- of men in this town, who make it their business to trade with and cheat strangers." The comniittee reported, as follows :

" That for tlie benefit of the public, the names and character of the persons belonging to and residing in Sudbury hereafter named. .... are persons who go about the country and cheat honest men by purchasing their horses, cattle and other effects, by telling fair stories^ and promising short pay, should be published in. the several newspapers, that the Public may be cautioned against trading with or trusting them on any account."

The town accepted of the report, and chose a committee to find out the persons who aided and assisted in the work, " by purchasing the horses and cattle &c at a low price which they know are obtained in such a clandestine wa}^ and manner, that their names may be exposed in like manner. Also voted, that tlie town Clerk send an attest copy to the several Printers in the town of Boston, to be printed for the benefit of the public."

CHAPTER XX.                 page 358

1775-1800.

War of the Revolution. Causes of It. Attitude of the Town Relative to the Stamp Act.' Instructions to the Representative Concerning It. Report of the Committee Relative to the Importation of Tea.- Patriotic Resolutions of the Town. Instructions to its Representatives. An Old Document Descriptive of the Times. Military Preparations. Choice of Militia Officers. Organization of Minute Companies. Names and Captains of Companies. Muster Rolls. Equipments. Drill. Call Roll of Captain Nixon's Company. Military Stores Removed to Sudbury. The Alarm. The Mustering and March. The Arrival at Concord. The Encounter at the North Bridge. Retreat of the British. The Pursuit. Encounter at Merriam's Corner. At Hardy's Hill. Incident. Sudbury's Loss. Sketch of Deacon Josiah Haynes. Sketch of Mr. Asahel Read.

Far as the tempest thrills

Over the darken'd hills, Far as the sunshine streams over the plain,

Roused by the tyrant band,

Woke all the mighty land, Girded for battle from mountain to main.

O. W. Holmes.

The period from 1775 to 1800, in this countrj^ may truly be termed the period of the Revolution. It witnessed the commencement and close of armed opposition to the British Crown, and the establishment, in America, of a new nationality. In the work of overthrowing the old and establishing a new government, the several provincial towns had a common concern ; each supplied its quota and each stood ready to respond to the country's call. Sudburj^ on account of its situation and size, bore a prominent part. It was the most populous town in Middlesex County ; its territory was extensive, and for a time in close proximity to the seat of

358 war: for these reasons, mucli was expected of it, and its patriotism was equal to the demand. Before a consideration in detail of the part taken by the town in this stormy period we will notice in brief the causes of the war. Tlie thirteen original States were, for the most part, settled by English emigrants. They loved the mother country, its institutions and laws, and had no desire to throw off allegiance so long as England respected their rights. The two countries had stood together on the fields of successive wars, the}^ had things in common to be shared and kept, one language set forth their traditions, one literature contained their history and laws. It was natural and desirable that they should liave but one flag and sustain one general government. But causes worked to alienate and bring about a final rupture. The colonies were oppressed with excessive taxation, denied the rights of their ancient charters, refused representation in council and the right of petition at court. Misguided and rash officials were placed in their midst, and the}^ were subject, in various other obnoxious ways, to checks on their peace and prosperity.

Before hostilities broke out, protests were repeatedly presented to the Crown against its despotic proceedings; but the colonies had little hope of English concession, hence, great activity prevailed in council, and the people prepared to meet the worst. Resolutions were passed, and such plans laid for aggressive and defensive measures as the exigencies of the province required. In these measures Sudbury had her share. The town was usually present, by delegates, in response to all calls, and her vote was stanch for the continental cause. In 1770, the people manifested their heart}' appreciation of the agreement of merchants in Boston " to stop the importation of British goods, and engaged for themselves and all within their influence, to countenance and encourage the same." At an early day, they chose a committee to prepare and present instructions to Peter Noyes, Representative to the General Court, in regard to the Stamp Act, which set forth their opinions very strongly concerning that petty piece of tyrannj-. Record after record appears on the Town Book, of resolutions and acts that show how positive the people were in their patriotism, and how pronounced they were in dechiring it. These are of such a character that to give a few of them -^Aill suffice.

1773. The Town being met, the committee appointed by the town to take into consideration the affair relating to the Tea sent here by the East India Company, reported as follows, viz."

Taking into Consideration the late Conduct of administration, together with an act of Parliament enabling the East India Company to export their Teas unto America Free of all Duties and Customs, Regulations and penalties in America as are provided by the revenue Act ; we are justly alarmed at this Detestable Craft and Policy of the Ministry to deprive us of our American Liberties Transmitted to us by our Worthy Ancestors, at no less expense than that of their Blood and Treasure. That price our Renowned Forefathers freely paid, that they might transmit those Glorious Liberties as a free, full, and fair inheritance to Posterity, which liberties through the Indulgent Smiles of Heaven, we have possessed in peace and Quietness, till within a few years Past (Excepting in the reign of the Detestable Stewarts) but now Behold ! the pleasing scene is changed, the British ministry, assisted by the Inveterate Enemies to American Liberty on this as well as on the other side of the Atlantick, Combining together to Rob us of our dear Bought freedom; have Brought us to this sad Dilemma, either to resolve like men in defense of our just Rights and Liberties, or sink under the weight of their Arbitrary and unconstitutional measures into a State of abject Slavery. Therefore as Freeborn Americans Intitled to all the immunities, Liberties and Privileges of Freeborn Englishmen, we look upon ourselves under the Strongest Obligations to use our utmost Exertions in defense of our just Rights in every constitutional method within our Power, Even though the Cost of the Defense should equal that of the purchase. Therefore resolved

l'^' That as we are entitled to all the Privileges of British Subjects, w^e have an undoubted and exclusive Right to Grant our own monies for the support of Government and that no Power on Earth has a right to Tax or make Laws binding us, without our consent.

2dly That the British Parliament laying a Duty on Tea Payable in America, for the express purpose of Raising a Revenue, is in our opinion an unjust Taxation, and that the specious method of permitting the East India Company to export their Teas into the Colonies, has a direct tendency to rivet the Chain of Slavery upon us.

3dly. That we will lend all the aid and assistance in our Power in every Rational Method, to hinder the Importations of Teas, so long as it is subject to a duty; and that this Town are well pleased with, and highly approve of that Resolution in particular entered into by the Town of Boston, viz that they will not suffer any Tea to be imported into that Town whUe subject to an unrighteous Duty ; and it is the desire and expectation of this Town tliat said resolution be not relaxed in any Degree; which if it should it would much lesson that confidence (which we hope we may justly say) we have reason to place in that respectable metropolis

4thiy That the Persons appointed by the East India Company to receive and vend their Teas (by their obstinate refusal to resign their odious Commission) have shown a ready disposition to become the Tools of our Enemies, to oppress and enslave their Native Country, and have manifested such stupidity and wickedness to prefer private Interest to the good of their Country, and therefore can expect no favor or respect from us ; but we leave them to accumulate a load of Infamy, proportionate to their vileness.

5 That whoever shall sell, buy, or otherwise use Tea, while subject to and poisened with a Duty, shall be deemed by us Enemies to their Country's welfare ; and shall be treated by us as such. The Town by their Vote Ordered the foregoing resolves to be recorded in the Town Book, and a Copy of the same to be forwarded to the Committee of Correspondence at Boston, with our sincere thanks to that Respectable Town, for their Manly Opposition to every minsterial measure to enslave America.

Thomas Plympton, Ezekiel Howe, John Maynard } Sampson Belcher, Phinehas Glezen, Josiah Langdon f

With like spirit the town expressed itself in the following instructions to Peter Noyes, its Representative to the Court :

Sir, you being chosen by the inhabitants of this town to represent them in the Great and General Court or Assembly of their Province, we think proper at this critical Day, when our invaluable rights and privileges are so openly invaded to give you the following instructions.

That you invariably adhere to and steadfastly maintain (so far as you are able) all our Charter Rights and Priveleges and that you do [not] consent to give them or any of them up, on any pretense whatever. That you make use of all your influence, that some effective method be devised and pursued for the restoration of our violated rights and redress of all our grievances. That you use your endeavors that the Governor be prevailed upon to make a grant for the payment of our agent chosen by the Representative body of the Province to present our complaint to the ears of our King

John Maynard. 1 Sampson Belcher- I John Balcom. !

W- Rice, Jr. f Committee.

Phineas Gleason. j Aaron Merriam. J Nov. 14, 1774, tlie town voted " their approbation of the several measures of tlie Provincial Congress so far as has been communicated to them." It also voted, at the same meeting, " to choose a committee to observe the conduct of all persons touching the association agreement entered into by the Continental Congress, whose business it shall be to see the articles contained therein are strictly adhered to by the inhabitants of this town."

In 1774, the town chose Thomas Plympton, Capt. Richard Heard, and James Mossman to represent it at the proposed Provincial Congress. The records just quoted are a few from many that show the fidelity of Sudbury to the great cause of freedom in those tumultuous times. It was decided as to the true principle of action, and equally prompt and consistent in carrying it out. Enough has been said to show the town's place in that preparatory period that led to the clash of arms ; but we will quote a paper written by a Revolutionary soldier of Sudbury, which shows the spirit of the age and gives a synopsis of events and the way in which they were viewed by one living in town at the time of their occurrence ; and although, in presenting this paper, we may anticipate some of the events we are about to narrate, yet we think it proper to do this, rather than make a break in a paper so valuable both to local and general history.

" The Causes that led the Colonies to Take up amies Against the Mother Country is proper to be Shown To Prove the Necessity the Colonies were under to resist the oppressive Measures which the Colonies were laid under ; namely the stamp act; on the Stamp act Being Repaled, an act called the Declaritory act, more oppressive and Hostile to American Rights than any thing that had Preceded it. A Cargo of Tea was consigned To the Friends of the Roj'al Governor Hutchinson with a duty [of] three pence on a pound, but the inhabitants of Massachusetts [being] Determined not to pay that Duty, a Party of men in Disguise Entered on bord the Ships and Destroj^ed Three Hundred and Forty Two Chests of Tea. After these proceedings were received in England The Excitement was very strong against Massachusetts and Particularly against Boston, which was considered The seat of Kebellion. A Bill was then Brought forward that was called the Boston Port Bill ; the Port of Boston was Precluded the Privelege of Landing and Discharging or Loading and Shiping goods. The words Whigs and Tories was introduced about this Time. To the Honor of Sudbury there was Not any of the latter Class to be found within the limits [of] Sudbur}^.

" The People were Carfull to Promote men that were Strongly opposed to British Tireny. The Town of Boston Passed a vote to stop all importation from Great Britain and the West Indies.

" Requesting the other Colonies to fall in with the same Resolve, Many of the inhabitants of . . . signed a Resolve not to buy any imported goods. Most Noted Men in Boston that took the lead . . . were James Otis John Hancock and Samuel Adams ; in September 1774 Nint}^ of the Representatives of Massachusetts Met at Salem and formed What was Called the Provincial Congress and adjourned to Concord. Here they chose John Hancock President, and drew up a Plan for the immediate Defense of the Province By appointing officers, also Pased a Resolve to get in Readiness to Compose an Army at the shortest Notis and called Minute men. The minute company in Sudbury was commanded by Capt John Nixon afterwards General, the North Melitia Company was commanded [by] Capt. Aaron Haynes The South By Capt. Moses Stone, the orders were for Ever}^ man to be supplied with a Gun and Bagnet Cartrege Box and 86 Rounds, our Guns to [be] Kept in Good Repair. The men that were freed by E-e from doing Militory Duty formed themselves into a Company Called the Alarm Company Commanded by Capt. Jabez Puffer. Trainings were as often as once a week the three fall months, in the winter Not so often. The 3'oung Men In the Winter months made a Practis of calling on their officers Evenino-s and going through the Manual Exercise In Barn Flours. I have exercised many a Night With my Mittens on. Such was the Patriotic sperit that Reigned in the Brest of Every True American Never to stain the Glory of our worthy

X Ancestors but like tliem Resolve never to part with our birthright. To be wise in our deliberations and determined in our Exertions for the preservation of our libertys, being Irritated by Repeated Injuries and Striped of our inborn rights and dearest Priveleges ; The Present Generation may view those Transactions Avith surprise ; every Rational mind must feel satisfied of the overruling hand of Providence. To bring about the great event here we must Cast our Eyes on the Father of Mercies with a full belief that He \vould Make his arm beare For us as he did for our Ancestors that we should be Enabled to Defend and JNIaintain our Rights Boath of a Civil and Religious Nature. With these impressions Strongly impressed in their Hearts on the morning of [the] Ever Memorable 19'^ of April 1775 Husbands left their wifes and Fathers their daughters Sones their Mothers Brothers their Sisters to Meet a Haughty Foe.

" On this eventful morning an Express From Concord to Tho^ Plympton Esq"" Avho was then a Member of the Provintial Congress [stated] that the British were on their way to Concord : In 35 Minites between 4 and 5 oclock in the Morning, the Sexton was immadelly Called on, the bell Ringing and the Discharge of Musket which was to give the alarm. By sunrise the greatest part of the inhabitants were Notified. The morning was Remarkable fine and the Inhabitants of Sudbury Never can make such an important appearance Probably again. Every Countenance appeared to Discover the importance of the event. Sudbury Companies were but a short distance From the North Bridg, when the first opposition was made to the Haughty Enemy. The Dye was Cast and the Torch Lit by which means we Have Becom an independent Nation, and may the present generation and those unborn, preserve unimparred the Libertys, sivel and Religious so long as Time Endures

" On the 19 of April, I was Runing across a Lot where there was a bend in [the] Road in order to get a Fair Shot, at the Enemy, in company Avith a Scotchman who was in Braddock's Defeat 19 year Before, after we had Discharged our Guns I observed to the Sco' avIio appeared very Com

THE COMMON.

Unitarian Church, Town House and Methodist Church,

Sudbury Centre. posed I wished I felt as Calm as he appeared to be [He said] its a Tread to be Larnt,

" Before I served through one Campain I Found the Scots Remark to be a just one

" The old soldiers Name is John Weighton He informed me he had been in seven Battles and this Eight." (Stearns Collection.)

MILITARY PREPARATIONS.

Nov. 14, 1774, " it was voted, that the town recommend to the several companies of militia to meet for the choice of officers for their respective companies, as recommended bj the Provincial Congress. Also voted, that a company of militia on the East side, meet on Thursday next at twelve o'clock at the East meeting house in Sudbury, to choose their officers ; and that the companies on the West side to meet at the West meeting house at the same time and for the same purpose."

Besides looking after the militia, the town took measures to form companies of minute men. These, as the name implies, were to hold themselves in readiness to act at a minute's warning. The officers received no commissions, but held their positions by vote of the men. Two such companies were formed, one on each side of the river. There was also a troop of horse composed of men from both precincts. Besides these companies of able-bodied men, there was an alarm company composed of men exempt from military service. The names of the companies were,

North Militia Co. West Side, Capt. Aaron Haynes 60 men

East Militia Co. East Side. Capi. Joseph Smith, 75 men

South Militia Co. (Lanham District) both Sides. Capt. Moses Stone 92 men.

Troop of Horse. Both Sides. Capt. Isaac Loker. 21 men.

Minute Co. West Side. Capt. John Nixon. 58 men

Minute Co. East Side. Capt. Nathaniel Cudworth. 40 men.

These make, besides the alarm list of Jabez Puffer, six companies three hundred and forty-eight men in process of preparation for the coming struggle.

The muster rolls of these companies, as present at the Concord and Lexington battle, have for the most part been preserved, and are here given as found in State and town documents. They may not, in every case, give the names of all who were on the rolls of either militia or minute men in 1774 ; and they may also contain names which were not properly of the companies in whose rolls they stand. But this may be explained by the fact that these rolls represent those who were in the Lexington and Concord fight, and that the alarm company and troop were mingled with other companies of the town on that memorable day.

A muster Roll of Militia Company and part of an Alarm Company that marched to Cambridge by Concord on the Alarm on the nineteenth of April last under the command of Capt, Aaron Ilaynes of Sudbury and returning home.

Aaron Haynes Capt, Thomas Puffer

Daniel Bowker Lieut, Rufus Parmenter

James Puffer Lieut, James

Joshua Haynes Sergt,^ Ebenezer Plympfon

Samuel Dakin " Abel Tower

Samuel Puffer " Francis Green

Jonathan Haynes " Jason Haynes

Benjamin Smith Corp. Joseph Haynes

Ashael Balcom " Israel Brigham

Hope Brown " Abel Willis

Ithamon Rice " Isaac Rice

Phineas Puffer, Clark John Bemis

Aaron Haynes Moses Noyes

Abel Maynard, Private David Moore

Micah Maynard Abijah Brigham

John Maynard Israel Haynes

Jonas Haynes Edmund Parmenter

Isaac Puffer Henry Smith

Oliver Dakin Dea Thomas Plymplon

Silas How Lieut Dakin Sworn to by Capt. Aaron Haynes, Jan. 20, 1776

A muster roll of the Company under the Command of Capt. Joseph

Smith, in Col. James Barret's Regiment from Sudbury on April 19"* 1775, in persuit of the ministerial Troops

' Capt, Joseph Smith Isaac Damon

Lieut, Josiah Farrar John Tilton Jr.

Lieut, Ephraim Smith John Cutting

Ensign Timothy Underwood Samuel Tilton Jr,

Sergeant William Bent Amos Addaway

Sergeant Samuel Griffin ^ Travi.^

tllSTORY OF SUDBURY.

367

Sergeant Robert Cutting Sergeant John Bruce Corporal Samuel Tilton Corporal Nathaniel Smith Corporal Peter Johnson Corporal John Merriara Drumer Thomas Trask Edmund Sharman Timothy Bent Micah Rice Isaac Gould John BarneyJacob Gould Benjaman Dudley Zachariah Briant Jr, Ebenezer Johnson Jonathan Bent Simon Belcher Joel Stone

Middlesex Dec 21=*' 1775, Th solemn oath to the truth of the Justice Peace.

Roland Bennett Isaac Stone John Stone Isaac Rice Jr, William Dudley John Peter Francis Jones James Sharmon Samuel Sharmon Joseph Goodenow Josiah Allen Elisha Cutting John Dean James Goodenow Ephraim Bowker, Jonathan Cutting James Davis Jason Parmenter

e above named Joseph Smith made above roll, Before me, Moses Gill>

These Certify that the ye 19th of April last to Col" How of Sudbury and

Moses Stone Cap' Jon"^ Rice L' Joseph Goodenow 2 Joseph Moore Serg' Ephr"" Carter Corp' David How Benj'' Berry Jon* Carter Elijah Goodnow David How Ezek' How jr. Jonas Wheeler Isaac Lincoln

The abov Peter Haynes L' Elisha Wheeler Aaron Goodnow Thomas Walker Eben' Burbank

The abov

mens names hereafter annex'd marched on Head Q" we being under Command of Lt Moses Stone Cap

Tho' Ames Thomas Burbank Lt. Nathi Bryant

Israel Maynard Tho^ Carr jun'' Isaac Moore Uriah Moore Abner Walker W" Walker Abel Parmenter Dan' Osburn Tho' Derumple

e named were out four days.

Tho' Derample

Nath' Brown

Uriah Hayden

Israel Willis

Calven Clark e named were out three days.

868 Province of the INIassacliusetts D"^ to Isaac Locker and the men under me by name in y*^ Colony for service done in defence of the Country on y'= lO"* day of April to y*' 21'' of the same vi'hen the alarm at Concord, agreable to the General Courts Order made up this Acco'

Tim° Sharmon Dan^ Moore ]■■ David Curtis Zach*^ Heard Jacob Jones Nath^ Knovvlton

Isaac Locker L* Oliver Noyes O' M' Ja« Puffer Corp^ Ja° Noyes Corp Jesse Gibbs Corp^ Abel Smith Da' Woo<i Moore Eph Moore Jonas Wheeler Jesse Mossman Rufus Bent Jason Bent W Wyman Jo' Rutter W" Noyes

Jonas Rice Nathan Stearns Micah Greaves Nath' Jenison Steph^ Locker Asaph Travis Jonas Locker Simon Newton David Heard

A List of a Company of Minute Men under the command of Capt.

John Nixon, in Col Abijah Pierce's Regiment who entered the service

April 19* 1775

David Moore Lieut Abel Holden "

Ashael Wheeler 2"^ Lieut Hopestill Brown Corp.

Micah Goodnow Sergt Jesse Moore "

Elijah Willis " Uriah Wheeler "

Jeremiah Robbins " William Moore

PRIVATES.

Joseph Balcom Philemon Brown Samuel Brigham Samuel Cutting Asher Cutler William Dun Aaron Ames Robert Ames Eliab Moore Uriah Moore Isaac Moore John Moore Josiah Richardson Nathan Read Charles Rice James Rice Ezra Smith

Rueben Haynes Joshua Haynes -Caleb Wheeler John Weighten Simon Kingman Israel Willis Hopestill Willis Ebenezer Wood Jonas Holden Elisha Wheeler Daniel Loring Thadeus Moore William Maynard Daniel Maynard John Shirley Peter Smith Abraham Thompson

mSTOtlY OF StTDBURY. 369

Samuel Gleason Daniel Weight

Thomas Goodenow Nathaniel Rice

Jesse Goodenow Daniel Putman

William Goodenow Micah Grant

Sworn to by Lt. Asahel Wheeler, Feb. 3, 1776.

A muster Role of the Minute Company under the command of Capt. Nathaniel Cudworth in Col. Abijah Pierce's Regiment.

Nathaniel Cudworth Capt. Samuel Pollard

Thadeus Russel, Lieut. Daniel Rice

Nathaniel Maynard Ensign Samuel Whitney

Nathaniel Reeves Sergent Benjamin Adams

Jonathan Hoar " Samuel Curtis

Caleb Moulton " Richard Heard Jr

Thomas Rutter " Samuel Bent

Joseph WilHngton Corp. Samuel Haynes

Thadeus Bond " Joseph Nicolls

David Clough " William Grout

Joshua Kendall " Samuel Merriam

John Trask Drummer David Underwood

Phineas Gleason Private Naum Dudley

Ebenezer Dudley James Phillips

John Noyes Jr Edmund Rice Jr.

Timothy Underwood Nathaniel Parmenter

Peter Britnell David Damon

Zebediah Farrar David Rice

Jonathan Parmenter Jr Edward How

Jonathan Wesson Timothy Sharmon

Sworn to by Nathaniel Cudworth, Feb. 21, 1776.

In 1776, the town " voted to pay each of the minute men one shilling and sixpence for training one half day in a week, 4 hours to be esteemed a half day, after they were enlisted and until called into actual service or dismissed ; and the Captains 3 shilling and Lieutenants 2 shillings and six pence and the ensign 2 shillings."

The foregoing muster rolls represent about one-fifth of the entire population. The number in actual service at the Concord and Lexington fight three hundred and two. The following report shows to what extent these companies were equipt. " Sudbury March y^ 27"^ 1775 :

" The Return of the Several! Companys of Militia and Minute in s'^ Town viz.

" Capt. Moses Stone's Company 92 men of them, 18 no guns, at Least one third part y^ forelocks unfit for Sarvis others wais un a quipt.

"Capt. Aaron Hayns Company 60 men weel provided With Arms the most of them Provided with Bayonets or hatchets a boute one quarter Part with Catrige Boxes.

"Capt. Joseph Smith's Company consisting of

75 able Bodied men forty well a quipt twenty Promis to find and a quip themselves Emedetly fifteen no guns and other wais un a quipt

" The Troop Capt. Isaac Locer (Loker) 21 Besides what are on the minit Role well a quipt.

" Returned by Ezekiel How. Left" Con' " (Stearns Collection.)

It is not strange that, at the time this report was given, the troops had not been fully equipped. It was not easy to provide for so many at once, but the following record may indicate that the town had been endeavoring to supply the deficiency since the preceding fall, Oct. 3, 1774.

To Capt. Ezekiel How for 20 guns and Bayonets 27 2 600 pounds Lead 8—16—

300 french Flynts [9 or] 19— 11

Chest for the arms and carting them 7 2 2

Probably before the 19th of April they were fairly equipped for service, as there is among the town 2:)apers a bill to one of the minute companies for ammunition that the town had supplied. Each man mentioned had, for the most part, received about a pound of powder and two pounds of balls for which a charge was made of one pound, one shilling.

In the matter of military drill, the men showed a spirit of perseverance which indicates their expectation of rough work. It was by no dress parade or review on some gala occasion when, with burnished muskets and uniforms gay and bright, they became proficient in the art of defence, but 371

on the cold barn floor in their homespun suits, with the mute cattle their only spectators, that tliese men were fitting for work, and zeal for their object was the tocsin that mustered the clan. To show the regularity witli which the min\ile men met for drill as the crisis approached, we will present Capt. John Nixon's minute company's call roll, which is still preserved among the old documents of Sudbur}'. We find in it but six blanks ; showing an average of only one absentee each night. We might expect that, when the call of the 19th of April came, these men would be present and ready for work.

A Call Roll of Capt.Jn° Inlisted IVIarch y« 13"'

Jn° Nixon Capt.

David Moor Lieut.

Asehel Wheeler Do

Josiah Langdon Clarke

Micah Goodenow Serg'

August^ Moor D° ^Elijah Willis D° • Jerem'^ Robbins D°

Hope' Brown Corp'

Jesse Moor D"

Uriah Wheeler D°

Will™ Moor D° ■ Dmiel Putnam Drum

Caleb Brown Phiffe

Joseph Nixon D°

Joseph Balcum

Phil" Brown

Sam' Brigham

Hosea Brigham

Sam' Cutting

Asher Cutler

W" Dun

Aaron Emes Jr.

Robert Emes

Dan' Goodenow

Sam' Gleason

Tho^ Goodenow

Jesse Goodenow

W™ Goodenow

Nixon's Company of Minut Men. They

March ve 13th 1775

March ye 20

March ye 27

April 3

April ye 10th

Do ye 17t

372 March ye 13th 1775

March ye 20

March ye 27

April 3

April ye 10th

Do ye inh

Reuben Haynes Joshua Haynes Jonas Holden Jr Abel Holden Simeon Ingersol Daniel Loring Thadeus Moor

'1

1 1 1 I 1 1 1

W™ Maynard Daniel Maynard Hezekiah Moor

1 1

1

Eliab Moor

1

Uriah Moor Isaac Moor Jr.

\ 1

1

1

John Moor Josiah Richardson Nathaniel Reed

1 1 1

Charles Rice

1

Oliver Rice Jonas Rice

1

1

Asahel Reed

1

Ezra Smith

1

John Sheirley Peter Smith

1 1

Abel Thomson

1

Daniel Weight

1

Caleb Wheeler

1

John Weigh ton Elisha Wheeler

1 1

Israel Willis

1

Hopestil Willis Ebenezer Wood

1

1

1

It was becoming more and more evident that a collision with the King's forces was close at hand. A considerable quantity of Continental supplies had been deposited at Concord; there also was a centre of strong patriotic influence ; at that place, therefore, the blow was liable to fall first. March 29, a report came that the British were about to proceed to that place. The Committee of Safety for the Province met at Cambridge, and ordered the removal therefrom of stores. The order was carried out and the stores sent in several directions. To Sudbury were sent fifty barrels of beef, one hundred of flour, twenty casks of rice, fifteen hogsheads of molasses, ten hogsheads of rum, and five hundred candles, fifteen thousand canteens, fifteen thousand iron pots ; tlie spades, pickaxes, bill-hooks, axes, hatchets, crows, wheel-barrows, and several other articles were to be divided, one-third to remain in Concord, one-third to be sent to Sudbury, one-third to Stow, and one thousand iron pots were to be sent to Worcester. (Shattuck.)

The rumor at this time proved false, yet a little later the event came about. General Gage, who was stationed in Boston as Commander-in-chief of the British troops, took measures to send a detachment to Concord for the destruction of Continental stores. For the accomplishment of this purpose he sent out spies to examine the land. Two of these secret messengers. Captain BroMni and Ensign D'Bernicre, went to Worcester in February, and to Concord, jNIarch 20. They went by way of Weston and Sudbury, stopping in the former town at the Jones Tavern, which still stands on the main street of Weston, and passed through East Sudbury by way of the South bridge. Having received the report of these spies, the British* prepared to advance. General Gage detached eight hundred of liglit infantry, grenadiers and marines from the ten regiments under his command, and, on pretence of instructing them in a new military exercise, took them from regular duty on April 15. His plan was for the troops to cross Charles River by night, and at daybreak be far on their way toward Concord and thus take the place by surprise. But there were those who were watching his wary course, and a sh^, swift courier was to precede him on his way.- A previous arrangement had been made by which a lantern was to be displayed in the belfry of the old North Church when the British began their march. Paul Revere, at the signal, was to start with the news and proclaim it from place to place. About that messenger, his mission, his midnight ride, it is unnecessary for us to relate. The oft-told tale is very familiar, how Paul Revere went forth and " spread the alarm through every Middlesex village and farm." THE MUSTERING AND MARCH.

The news thus started by Paul Revere reached Sudbury between three and four o'clock in the morning. As the town is eight miles southwestward of Concord, intelligence of the approaching column was received later than at towns on the Boston and Concord highway. But, notwithstanding the distance, the sun was not yet arisen when the summons arrived in town, and then followed a scene of activity unparalleled in the annals of Sudbury. The course taken by the various companies to reach Concord was, probably, not the same, as they started from different parts of the town. Two companies from the West Side the minute company and the North Militia would go b}' the road through North Sudbury, while the East Side men would, most likely, go by way of Lincoln. Captain Nixon's company started from the West Side meeting-house. The companies of Nixon and Haynes designed to cross the Concord River by way of the old South bridge, or " Wood's bridge," on the site of the county bridge near the Fitchburg Railroad. From doing this, however, they were deterred by an order which reached them when about half a mile away, and by which they marched on to the North bridge. The appearance of this host of town's people, on an errand like that before them, must have been imposing and sad. The gathering and the start were enough of themselves to stir the idlest spectator, and move the most indifferent soul. The morning was peaceful and lovel3\ Nature was advanced for the season. The fields were green witli the grass and grain which even waved in the April breeze, and the buds were bursting, prophetic of early spring. But, in strange contrast, the souls of the people were stirred as if swept by a tempest. The appearance of tliat hurrying pageant as it swept through the town was at once solemn, strange, and sublime. Their haste was too great to admit of a measured or dignified pace. They were impatient to arrive at the front. Daniel Putnam maybe excused if no drum taps are heard save the ''long roll " at the very start. Caleb Brown may put by his " Phiffe " until he hears from Luther Blauchard, at th^ old

History ot sudbury. 375

north bridge, the strains of "The White Cockade." The music of the morning was made by tlie quickened heartthrobbing in those patriotic breasts, as in double-quick they strode over the old north road to be on hand at the approach of the foe. Along the route, mothers and children appeared, to catcli a glimpse of the loved ones, who fast flying were soon lost to view. A kiss lovingly cast into the morning air, the passing benediction of word or look, and the crowd rushed by. The loved ones were left to sad conjecture as to what the dread issue might be. AVe have heard a great-granddaughter of Captain Nixon say that she has been told by her grandmother that a messenger came at night to the house and said, " Up, up ! the red-coats are up as far as Concord! " that jNIr. Nixon at once started off on horseback, and that sometime during the day Mrs. Nixon went out of the house, Avhich was on Nobscot hillside, and putting her ear to the ground could hear the sound of distant guns.

The north militia and minute company, as we have stated, designed to reach Concord village by wa}^ of the old south bridge, but Avhen about half a mile from it were ordered to proceed to the north bridge by Col. James Barrett, the commander of the minute regiment, whose son Stephen had been sent to convey the message to the approaching companies. By obeying this order, the Sudbury companies would join a force already assembled on the north side of the village, and also avoid speedy contact with the British guard that already held the south bridge.

When the British arrived at Concord by way of the Lexington road, which leads from the easterly into the town, Colonel Smith, the commander, made a threefold division of his force of eight hundred men. The light infantry were sent in two detachments to guard the bridges and destroy the stores on the village outskirts, while the grenadiers and marines he detained with himself and Major Pitcairn at the centre. In the execution of this plan, Capt. Lawrence Parsons took possession of the north bridge, Capt. INIundy Pole did the same at the south bridge, and each sent detachments from their force to destroy Continental stores. The Americans, meanwhile, were powerless to prevent this occurrence. As yet, but comparatively few Continental troops had arrived. It was only about seven or eight o'clock in the morning, and but a few hours since the general alarm. They knew not positively about the work at Lexington Common, nor that the British had come with a deadly intent. They wanted to know just what was right, and waited for strength to enforce the right; while thus waiting, they withdrew over the river beyond the north bridge. To this vicinity were the Sudbury men sent. But there was, at least on the part of one of the company, a reluctance to turn from their more direct course. Thej were in the country's highway, and this one person, perhaps, felt like Captain Davis of Acton, who before leaving that town said, '•' I have a right to go to Concord on the King's highway, and I intend to go if I have to meet all the British troops in Boston." The person referred to as reluctant to turn from his course was Deacon Josiah Haynes, who was eighty years old. It is stated that he was " urgent to attack the British at the south bridge, dislodge them, and march into the village b}^ that route." Had his opinion prevailed, the battle might have been then and there, and the old south rather than the old north bridge have been the place of note forever. But the south bridge was avoided. In accordance with Colonel Barrett's command. Captains Nixon and Haynes with Lieut. Col. Ezekiel How started, as we have stated, for the old north bridge.

When at the South bridge they were on the westerly side of Concord village, while the North bridge was a little to the north of east. Their way, therefore, was by something of a circuitous course ; and, to reach the point to which they were ordered, they were to pass the house of Colonel Barrett, a mile and a half north-west of the village, where Captain Parsons with three British companies were destroying Continental stores. When the Sudbury soldiers came within sight of Colonel Barrett's house they came to a halt. Before them were the British engaged in their mischievous work. Gun carriages had been collected and piled together to be burned, the torch already had been applied, and the residence of their Colonel had been ransacked. They halted, and Colonel How exclaimed, " If any blood has been shed not one of the rascals shall escape ! " and, disguising himself, he rode on to ascertain the truth. It was, probably, not far from nine o'clock when this event took place. This indicates the celerity with which the Sudbury troops had moved. From the morning alarm, by which the minute men met at the West Side meeting-house, until the foregoing transaction but about five hours had passed, and, meanwhile, the mustering, the march, the arrival. While the Regulars were engaged in their destructive work at Colonel Barrett's, the Provincials were concentrating their forces in preparation for what was to come. Their place of gathering was at Punkatasset Hill, about a mile north of the Concord meeting-house. While here, they increased their forces by repeated arrival of troops. Says Drake, "Meanwhile," that is while the British were engaged at Colonel Barrett's, " tlie Provincials on Punkatasset were being constantly reinforced by the militia of Westford, Littleton, Acton, Sudbury, and other neighboring towns, until the whole body numbered about four hundred and fifty men, who betra3'ed feverish impatience at playing the part of idle lookers on while the town was being ransacked ; but, when flames were seen issuing in dijfferent directions, they could no longer be restrained. A hurried consultation took place, at the end of which it was determined to march into the town at all hazards, and if resisted to " treat their assailants as enemies." Colonel Barrett told the troops to advance.' From Punkatasset they moved to Major Buttricks, but a short distance above the North bridge, and from Major Buttricks they marched to the bridge where the Americans and English met face to face. The circumstances at the bridge are too familiar to need any narration by us. The British attempted to remove the planks, a remonstrance was made and the work ceased. The Provincials advanced with rapid steps ; when a few rods away a single shot was fired by the foe, which was at once followed by a volley. The first shot wounded two of the Americans, and the volley killed two Davis and Hosmer of Acton. The order then came for the Provincials to fire. It was obeyed, and three British soldiers were slain, besides several officers and four soldiers wounded. Then came the retreat and pursuit. Whether or not the companies of Nixon and Haynes had joined the Provincials at Punkatasset when the command to move forward came, we leave the reader to judge for himself. Drake implies that they had,; some circumstances may also favor this theory, for, after leaving Colonel Barrett's, they would likely hasten to join the main force, which was not far distant. But other things would lead us to conclude that they had not caught up with the column when it reached the bridge.

Shattuck says, " Two companies from Sudbury under How, Nixon and Haynes came to Concord, and having received orders from a person stationed at the entrance of the town, for the purpose of a guide, to proceed to the North instead of the South Bridge, arrived near Col. Barrett's just before the British soldiers retreated." The same author, after speaking of what we have just narrated of LieutenantColonel How, states, " Before proceeding far, the firing began at the Bridge, and the Sudbury companies pursued the retreating British." From these statements and facts, we may infer this, that these companies passed the British at Colonel Barrett's and pushed on to meet the force at tlie bridge, that before they joined it the foe made his attack and that they joined in the hot pursuit. This theory accords with the statement that we have quoted before, as made by a survivor of the fight, which is that " Sudbury Companies were but a short distance from the North Bridge when the first Opposition was made to the Haughty Enem3^"

Thus, to an extent, have we traced the course of two Sudbury companies during a part of that eventful day. As to the others, it is supposed tliey attacked the British at different points along the line of the retreat. The men who came from East Sudbury would, as \ve have hitherto said, be likely to march through Lincoln to Concord. If so, they would be likely to strike the British retreat ; there it is that we hear of them. Two encounters, at least, are mentioned in which East Sudbury soldiers were engaged. To rightly anderstand how and where these engagements took place, let us notice the movements of the British after the events that transpired at the old North bridge. Having fired on the Americans as they approached the bridge from the opposite bank, by which fire two Acton minute men fell, and having received the Provincial fire in return, by which three of the English were slain. Lieutenant Gould of the regulars withdrew his shattered guard to the village. Three signal guns having been fired by the British just before their troops fired at the bridge, all the distant detachments came in. Captain Parsons hurried his companies from Colonel Barrett's to the old North bridge ; and, seeing the havoc that had been made with Gould's guard and their dead comrades upon the bank, " they were seized with a panic and ran with great speed to join the main force." Captain Pole withdrew his companies from the old South bridge, and then Colonel Smith began to retreat towards Boston. But it was not only a retreat but a rout. The battle at the bridge was but the beginning of aggressive work. The foe were followed and hard pushed from point to point. At the cross-roads they met fresh arrivals of Provincial troops. The stone walls and stumps were coverts from which they directed their fire. In addition to an almost continuous engagement, occasional encounters occurred which were exceptionally sharp and severe. In two of these severe encounters the soldiers from East Sudbury were engaged, one at Merriam's Corner, the other at Hardy's Hill.

The action at Merriam's Corner occurred at about halfpast twelve. Three circumstances concurred to bring about and make severe this conflict. First, there was a junction of roads, the one from Bedford meeting that leading to Lexington along which the English marched. By this road had come reinforcements from Reading, Chelmsford, Bedford and Billerica. To this point, also, had come some Provincials across the great fields in the direction of the old North bridge. Another circumstance that made the fight sharp was that here the British massed their forces because of the lay of the land. In their march from Concord, which was about a mile thus far, the British threw out a part of their infantry to serve as a guard to their flanks and to protect the main body as it marched on the road. These flankers moved along the dry upland on the right of the road, as it curves gently from Concord village, until they reached Merriam's Corner where they joined the troops in the road, in order to avoid the moist land by the wayside, and pass the dry causeway to the highway beyond. As this flank guard thus joined the main force it gave the Provincials, who as we have indicated were there gathered in force, an opportunity which they were not slow to make use of. They poured upon the regulars a destructive fire. " Now and here began," says Drake, " that long and terrible conflict unexampled in the Revolution for its duration and ferocity, which for fifteen miles tracked the march of the regular troops with their blood." A company from East Sudbury were in time for this second conflict. This, doubtless, was the one commanded by Joseph Smith. Rev. Mr. Foster, an historian of 1775, says of this conflict : " Before we came to Merriam's Hill we discovered the enemy's flank guard of about eighty or a hundred men, who on the retreat from Concord kept the height of the land, the main body being in the road. The British troops and the Americans at that time were equally distant from Merriam's Corner. About twenty rods short of that place the Americans made a halt. The British marched down the hill with a very slow but steady step without a word being spoken that could be heard. Silence reigned on both sides. As soon as the British gained the main road and passed a small bridge near the common, they faced about suddenly, and fired a volley of musketry upon us. They overshot and no one to my knowledge was injured by the fire. The fire was immediately returned by the Americans, and two British soldiers fell dead at a little distance from each other in the road near the brook. Several of the officers were wounded, including Ensign Lester." The other engagement in which the Sudbury soldiers are especially noticed was at Hardy's Hill, a short distance beyond. One narrator has spoken of it as a spirited affair, where one of the Sudbury companies. Captain Cudworth, came up and vigorously attacked the enemy. It is interesting that we can thus trace our soldiers and know so much of their whereabouts and what they did on that memorable day. An incident of the fight was related to the writer by the late Mr. Josiah Haynes when eightyfive years old. He said that his grandfather, Josiah Haynes, one of the militia of Sudbury at the Concord fight, captured a gun from a British sergeant. The Briton was with a squad of soldiers a little removed from the main body, probably a part of the flank guard before mentioned. Mr. Haynes lay concealed behind a stone wall with some comrades who soon left him alone. As the squad approached, he thought they were coming directly upon him, but, as the main body followed a curve in the road, the squad turned also. With this movement, Mr. Haynes placed his gun on the wall, and on firing the sergeant fell. My. Haynes sprang and seized the sergeant's gun and tried to tear off his belt and cartridge box, but these last he did not secure. The squad, but a few rods away, turned and fired. The balls whistled about him, but he escaped unhurt. It would be interesting to know more of the incidents and adventures of our soldiers on that April day, but time has made havoc with tradition and the records are scant. Years ago the last survivor of the Revolution died, and years before, the}' were scattered, many of them into other towns and other States. But the fragments of tradition that have floated down from that far-off period are all the more valuable because they are few.

THE LOSS.

During" the day Sudbury sustained the loss of two men. Deacon Josiah Haynes and Asahel Reed. Joshua Haynes was wounded. Deacon Haynes was eighty years old. He was killed by a musket bullet at Lexington. He belonged to the old Haynes family of Sudbury, where his descendants still live. He was one of the original signers of the West Precinct Church Covenant, and was made deacon May 24, 1733. He was buried in the Old Burying Ground, Sudbury Centre. The grave is marked by a simple slate stone. Mr. Asahel Reed was of Captain Nixon's minute men. His name is found on that company's call roll to which we have before referred ; it is left out after the battle, probably because after his death the name was stricken from tlie list. He belonged to the old Reed family of Sudbury, whose progenitor, Joseph Reed, settled at Lanhara about 1656. Probably he was also buried in the old ground at Sudbury Centre. Mrs. Joseph Reed, a member of the same family and' grandmother of the writer, said many years ago that the body of Mr. Reed was brought to Sudbury. So, although no stone has been found which marks the grave, he doubtless rests somewhere in the old burying-ground at the centre, which was the only one at that time in the West Precinct. Joshua Haynes, who was wounded, may have been one of Captain Nixon's minute men or one of the militia of Captain Haynes. The same name is on each company's muster roll ; but the one in the latter was sergeant while the one wounded is mentioned without any title. Lieut. Elisha Wheeler, whose horse was shot under him, and Thomas Plympton, Esq., who had a bullet put through the fold of his coat, were both volunteers on horseback.

After the fight the soldiers showed no undue haste to return, but some of them lingered from three days to a month to repel attack or serve their country in whatever way it might require ; and, when at length they returned to their homes, it was only, in the case of some of them, to bid the loved ones good-by and then go away again to engage the foe.

CHAPTER XXI.                 page 383

1775-1800.

Revolutionary War. Sudbury Soldiers at Bunker Hill. Muster Rolls of Captains Russell, Mooi^e and Haynes. Battle of Bunker Hill. Position and Service of the Regiments of Colonels Nixon and Brewer.

— Number of Casualties. The Siege of Boston. List of Men in Two Months Service. List of Men in Colonel Whitney's Regiment.

— Government Storehouses at Sand Hill. Service outside the State. List of Officers in Sudbury Companies in 1776. List of Men in Capt. Aaron Haynes's Company. Men in Captain Wheeler's Company at Ticonderoga ; in Colonel Robinson's Regiment, in Colonel Read's Regiment. Supplementary List. Soldiers at Ticonderoga in 1770; in Captain Wheeler's Company, Captain Craft's Company, Cap'ain Edgell's Compan}-, Captain Aaron Haynes's Company. Canada Campaign. New York Campaign. Men Enlisted for Three Years in 1777. Guard Roll. Pay Roll. List of Two Months Men in 1777. List of Three Months Men in 1777. Names of Sudbury Captains and Companies in the Field in 1778. Captain Maynard's Company. Captain Wheeler's Company. Captain Moulton's Company. Captain Haynes's Company. Captain Bowker's Company. Prices Paid for Enlistment in 1780.

Few were the numbers she could boast; But every freeman was a host. And felt as though himself were he On whose sole arm hung victory.

Montgomery.

Sudbury was represented by three companies at the battle of Bunker Hill. These were commanded by Sudbury captains and made up mainly of Sudbury citizens. The town also furnished three regimental officers, Col. John Nixon, Major Nathaniel Cudworth and Adj. Abel Holden, Jr. Capt. John Nixon of the minute men was promoted to the rank of colonel, and was authorized, April 27, to receive nine sets of beating papers. Capt. Nathaniel Cudworth was

383

384

History of sudbury.

made major in the regiment of Col. Jonathan Brewer, who received enlistment x^apers April 24, and Abel Holden, Jr., was made Colonel Nixon's adjutant. The Sudbury men who served in these companies are as follows :

A list of Captain Russell's company in Colonel Brewer's resriment.

Thaddeus Russel Capt. Nathan Tuckerman Lieut. Nathan Reeves Ens. Sergt Josiah Wellington

" Thomas Rutter

" Thad Bond

Ephraim Alien Longley Bartlett Rolon Bennet Peter Brintnall Timothy Bent Samuel Curtis Edward Sorce [Vorce] Jacob Speen Ephram Sherman Samuel Tilton Asa Travis David Underwood Jonathan Wesson Lemuel Whitney Samuel Sherman Nahum Dudley Oliver Damon

Corp. Joshua Kendall " David Rice " David Damon Drumer Thomas Trask Fifer Nathan Bent " David Smith

PRIVATES.

William English Ambros Furgison William Grout Elisha Harrington Richard Heard William Mallet Samuel Merriam Cuff Nimra Benjamin Pierce Nath^^ Parmenter James Phillips Samuel Pollard Rufus Parmenter Edward Rice Martin Rourke Denis Ryan Amos Silleway

A return of Captain Moor's company in the fifth regiment, commanded by Col. John Nixon, Sept. 30, 1775.

David Moore, Capt

Micah Goodenow 1st Lieut

Jona Hill, 2ond Lieut Framingham

SARGENTS. Elijah Willis Daniel Loring

Hopestill Brown Daniel Wait

Jesse Moore Uriah Wheeler

CORPORALS.

James Rice Joseph Balcom

Oliver Rice Aaron Eames Jun. 385

DRUMMER AND FIFER

Ebenezer Boutwell Thomas Nixon

Framingfham

PRIVATES.

Nathaniel Bryant Aaron Ernes Benj^ Bennet Samuel Cutting Micah Goodenow Ephraim Goodenow Lemuel Goodenow Asahel Gibbs Uriah Hunt Isaac Moore Eliab Moore

Total in the Co. 48. From Sudbury 33.

Thadeus Moore

Jesse Mostman [Mossman]

Israel Maynard

William Maynard

Nathan Rice

Israel Willis

Ephraim Whitney

Abel Thompson

Ezra Smith

Charles Rice

A list of names of the officers and soldiers in Captain Haynes's company in Colonel Brewer's regiment. ^*

Aaron Haynes Capt Mathias Mossman 2ond Lieut Serg' Josiah Moore Cop John Weighting

Cop Daniel Putnam Drummer Aaron Haynes Fifer Naham Haynes

PRIVATES.

John Bemis Nathan Cutter Porter Cuddy James Durumple Joseph Dakin Joseph Green Francis Green

Abel Parmenter Asa Putnam Ephraim Puffer John Brewer Isaac Rice Aaron Mossman Joshua Haynes

Prospect Hill, Oct. 6, 1775

Aaron Haynes, Capt

Total in the Co. 47. From Sudbury 21.

The following names found in the Stearns Collection, as being in the eight months service, we give in connection with the foregoing lists.

Jonas Haynes John Stone Caleb Wheeler Hezekiah Moore

Jeremiah Robins Benj Berry [or Barry] John Shirley Wm Dun Total number in these three muster rolls is one hundred and fifty-two. Of these, one hundred and four were from Sudbury, and only the latter have been here given except when designated. Lieut. Nathaniel Russell re-enlisted a part of the East Sudbury company and reported for duty April 24. Capt. Aaron Haynes went into service with his company May 3. These companies were in the regiments of Colonels Nixon and Brewer, which did valuable service in tlie engagement of June 17. A consideration of the plan of that battle and something of its history will show where these regiments were, what they did, and the conduct of the Sudbury soldiers.

BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. p.386

On the 16th of June, the Americans, under command of Colonel Prescott, to the number of about one thousand men repaired at night to what was then called Breed's Hill, to fortify the place by earthworks. Their object was to prevent the occupation of Charlestown by General Gage, who had been reinforced by about ten thousand men. Through the still hours of the night they plied the pickaxe and spade, and at daybreak General Gage, from his quarters in Boston, surveyed the newly-made works with surprise. British batteries soon opened their fire from ship and shore, yet steadily the provincials worked on. Gage summoned his officers in council, and it was determined to take the place by storm. Immediately, columns were formed and set in motion, boats were procured to carry troops to the Charlestown shore, and a scene of general activity set in. Meanwhile, the Americans were also astir forming plans to resist the assault. Reinforcements were ordered to the Charlestown peninsula, and long lines of troops filed from the neighboring encampment to ioin their comrades at the hill. The march was attended with hazard, for British batteries swept the way, and ranks broke into detachments and squads, rather than pass the ordeal in closely formed lines. Among those who marched over this perilous way were the regiments of Brewer and Nixon, and they arrived on the field in season to form for the fight. When the regiments had all arrived on the Charlestown peninsula, an almost unbroken line stretched along from the Charles River on the south to the Mystic River on the north. The places of the respective regiments were as follows : Prescott held the redoubt near the summit with about one hundred and sixty-three men ; a bredstwork to the northerl}^, near this, was occupied by men of Prescott, Bridge and Frye ; on the left, to the northwesterly or north, were the regiments of Brewer, Nixon, Knowlton and Stark ; while on the right, to the southeasterly or south, were the regiments of Wyman and Robinson with about three hundred men. Sudbury soldiers were thus placed on the left of the line to the northerly of the Bunker Hill summit. Between the breastwork and redoubt, and the Mystic River or left flank on the northerly, there was, for a time, an unfilled space. By this way, the foe had only to advance, attack the American works in the rear, and the place was captured and retreat cut off. General Putnam discovered this gap in time, and ordered troops to man it at once. Stark, Knowlton and Reed took their stand on the north by the Mystic, Brewer and Nixon on the south of them. Thus was filled the hitherto unprotected gap, which, if neglected, had invited the foe, and caused speedy and most disastrous defeat.

The British, knowing the importance of the position thus held, brought against it a formidable force. This was led by Sir William Howe in person. Some of the troops had been recently at the Concord and Lexington fight. They were likely eager to recover their prestige or avenge the fate of their fallen friends. Furthermore, the protection of the Provincials at this point was weak ; no entrenchments were there to protect them from the foe. The most favored had but a few rude improvised works, hastily constructed after they arrived on the ground, but the position of the regiment in which the Sudbury men served was the most exposed of any in that poorly protected column. A part of the line had not the slightest protection whatever. The only attempt that was made to construct a breastwork was by the gathering of some newly-mown hay that was scattered about the place. But they were prevented from tlie completion of even such a slight breastwork as this. The foe advanced and they were compelled to desist. But no exposure to the fire of well-disciplined, veteran troops, and no lack of breastwork protection led those brave Middlesex colonels and companies to turn from or abandon this important position. It was enough to know that there was an unguarded gap. The practised eye of Col. John Nixon, who had so often seen service in the old French wars, doubtless saw at a glance what the case required, and knowing the need took measures to meet it. Says Drake, " Brewer and Nixon immediately directed their march for the undefended opening so often referred to between the rail fence and earthwork. They also began the construction of a hay breastwork, but when they had extended it to within thirty rods of Prescott's line the enemy advanced to the assault. The greater part of these two battalions stood and fought here without cover throughout the action, both officers and men displaying the utmost coolness and intrepidity under fire." The same author also says of Gardiner, Nixon and Brewer, "Braver officers did not unsheathe a sword on this day ; their battalions were weak in numbers, but under the eye and example of such leaders invincible." He states that, " with about four hundred and fifty men, they stood in the gap with Warren and Pomeroy at their head." Just before the attack, Putnam gave the order not to fire until they could see the whites of the enemy's e3'es. When the foe was fairly in range the Provincials opened fire. The lines blazed with a hot discharge ; whole ranks were swept down before it, men dropped on the right hand and left ; no mortal could withstand that withering storm ; it was an unerring, deathdealing discharge. Howe's attendants were struck down at his very side, and for a time he stood almost alone. He gave the word for retreat, and his shattered remnant withdrew from the field. He had failed to break the ranks of these left line regiments, and hence the redoubt was still safe from an attack in the rear. But these soldiers were again to be put to the test. For about an liour there was a cessation of strife, then the column advanced to a second assault. Steadily the veterans moved forward and bravely did tlieir opponents' await them. When the signal was given the engagement began. The same tactics were employed as before, and with like results : whole ranks melted away before the Provincial fire, battalions were reduced to mere companies, Howe's best officers were dying or dead, the way was mown by Provincial bullets, and again the redoubt and breastwork were safe. But the British, persisting with the tenacity that belongs to the race, reformed for still another assault, and this time they were more successful, for the ammunition of the Provincials was exhausted and there remained nothing but retreat or a hand-to-hand fight. The order was given and the Provincials withdrew, but before leaving, there was a terrible encounter. Prescott, Avho so bravely held the redoubt while the left line regiments held the British from an attack on the rear, now rallied his men to fight in an improvised way. With clubbed guns, and with bayonets wrenched from the foe they still fought the unequal fight, until, steadily pressed, they were compelled to give up the redoubt. This captured and the breastwork abandoned, the men in the gap were between two fires and the onl}^ resort was to retreat. They stood while there was any hope of success, and did not abandon the gap until General Warren, who, it is said, stood at the head of the rail fence breastwork between the regiments of Brewer and Nixon, considered it expedient. In fact. Colonel Nixon's regiment was one of the last to leave the battle-ground. Both Nixon and Brewer were wounded, the former so severely that he was borne from the field, and their brave leader, General Warren, was slain. Thus nobly was the defence maintained. The losses sustained by the regiments of Brewer and Nixon were as follows :

Brewer's regiment : Killed 7 Wounded 11 Nixon's regiment: Killed 3 Wounded 10

Total 10 21

Of the killed, two were of Captain Ilaynes's compau}-, namely : Comming Forbush, Framingham ; Joshua Haynes, Sudbury. One was of Captain Russell's company, namely : Lebbaus Jenness of Deerfield. Thus ended that day of destinies. Dismal indeed was the scene as night settled upon it. The beloved of both armies had fallen. Major Pitcairn, prominent in Concord fight, was among the English slain, while General Warren, a man of promise and much admired by the Americans, had also perished.

THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.

After the engagement at Bunker Hill the Provincials began the siege of Boston. The British bivouacked the night of the seventeenth on the battle-field, but the Americans soon environed them from Roxbury to Medford. On the 3d of July, George Washington took formal command of the Continental Army, and then commenced, under his generalship, that series of military movements which resulted in the evacuation of Boston by the British, March 17, 1776.

The soldiers of Sudbury in the battle of Bunker Hill, all or nearly all having enlisted for eight months, were engaged in this siege. During the summer. Colonel Brewer's regiment was stationed at Prospect Hill, and General Nixon had quarters at Winter Hill.

Before closing the account of Sudbury's service in the year 1775, we will insert the names of some Sudbury men who were in the two months service with Captain Wheeler in 1775, and also of a small number who were in the regiment of Colonel Whiting and did service at Hull, and after leaving there were stationed at Fort Independence.

IN THE TWO MONTHS WINTER 1775.
Capt Asahel Wheeler Daniel Maynard
Ilhamer Rice
Gideon Maynard
John Maynard Jr.
Silas Mosman
John Balcom Jr.
COL reed's regiment.
Peter Smith Abel Tower
Ebenezer Plympton Joel Brigham
Jonathan Bent James Haynes
Ruben Haynes Daniel Frazer
Simeon Ingersol Thomas Smith

IN COLONEL whiting's REGIMENT.
Micah Balcom John Brown
Thomas Goodenow Lt. Abel Brigham
Jas Balcom Jacob Reed
Luther Moor Thos. Dal [rymple]
Thad Harrington Elijah Howe
Israel Tr Moore

GOVERNMENT STOREHOUSES.

Besides other responsibilities the town had charge of some government storehouses containing munitions of war, which the Sudbury teamsters, from time to time, conveyed to the front. Various receipts are still preserved which were received by these teamsters. These buildings were situated on the northerly part of Sand Hill, east of the county road. There were several of them, and some were remaining within the memory of an aged citizen who conversed with the writer concerning them. One or more of them were moved to Wayland, and one was moved to the Captain Rice place where it was used as a cider mill. Recently it was moved to another spot on the same farm and made over for a stable ; the old timbers of the original structure were retained. Before its alteration the writer examined it and took measurements. It was a very low building, perhaps forty by thirty feet, with a broad sloping roof. It was without partitions, and formerly had a very wide barn-like door in front. At one time Mr. William Rice, the father of Captain William, had charge of these houses and military stores. Several squads of soldiers were employed to guard them, and at one time Captain Isaac Wood was commander of the guard. In 1777, the following soldiers did guard duty : " Corporal Robert Eames, Silas Goodenow Jr, Philemon Brown, Elisha Harrington, Jon=^ Clark." A guard of the same number was there in 1778 and 79, but all the men were not the same. The field in or near which these buildings stood was used as a training field in former years, and at one time a militia muster was held there. But now all trace even of the site has become obliterated, and for years it has been a quiet feeding place for cattle, and all is as peaceful there as if the slow pacing of the old Continental guard had never been heard at Sand Hill.

SERVICE OUTSIDE OF THE STATE.

While Sudbury was so well represented in the field during the eventful year of 1775, when the seat of war was in its own neighborhood, when its farms were liable to become the front and its very door-yards the field of battle, it was also fitly represented when the war passed to other localities. We will now present the names of some of the soldiers who served in the subsequent scenes of the war in places remote from the town. A few that have become illegible will be omitted and doubtful ones will be enclosed in brackets.

After the British left Boston the American Army went to New York, and a i)art of the Sudbury soldiers, including three captains, went with it. These captains were Abel Holden, Caleb Clapp and Aaron Haynes. Gen. John Nixon, it is supposed, accomj)anied it in the brigade of General Sullivan. On the 9th of August, John Nixon was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and his brother, Thomas, became colonel of his regiment. This regiment and another with a body of artillery, all under command of General Nixon, were stationed for a time at Governor's Island, New York Harbor, and after the retreat of General Washington from Brooklyn, August 27, the brigade passed up the North River with the army.

The following is a list of officers and some of the privates in the Sudbury companies in 1776, Gen. John Nixon's brigade_

COL. THOMAS NIXON'S REGIMENT.

Capt. Abel Holden Ruben Haynes

Lieut Levi Holden Colven Eames

Lieut Oliver Rice Thadeus Moore

Capt Caleb Clap Luther Eames

Lieut Joshua Clap John Stone

Serg't Joseph Balcom Joshua Maynard

Joseph Nixon Roland Bennet

Luther Moore Hezekiah Moore

The company of Capt. Aaron Haynes was in Colonel,

RESIDENCE OF CHARLES P. WILLIS. (David Lincoln Place) Historical Sketch of Willis Family. Pagf 4jj. 303

Whitcomb's regiment, having been transferred from Colonel Brewer's while stationed at Prospect Hill. The following list contains part of the names :

Capt Aaron Haynes. Aaron Haynes Jr. John Rusk

Joseph Maynard Jonas Haynes Ephriam Goodenow

Capt. Aaron Haynes was in command of a company at Peekskill, N. Y., in the spring o^ 1777.

Besides the soldiers who went with the army to New York in 1776, there was qnite a force that went in an expedition against Canada. A large part of the soldiers who served in these campaigns were under the command of Capt. Asahel Wheeler, and in one at least of the campaigns were in the regiment of Col. John Robinson. Of the Sudbury soldiers who served under these officers in the Canada Expedition or Ticonderoga Campaign, we give the following : '

John Merriam

Benj

Joseph Smith Ephraim Smith Zebediah Farrar Daniel Lawrence Job Brooks. Rhuben Hains. Roger Bigelow Oliver Curtis Samuel Jones John Tozer Abijah Mead Samson Wheeler. John Lough Oliver Conant Jonah Gilbert Joseph Mason A Buttrick John Weston Samuel Adams Joel Adams Uaniel Hosmer Phinehas Hager Jacob Jones

Phinehas Glezen David How jr. Francis Jones Timothy Underwood Jonathan Davis Daniel Benjaman Ithamer Rice. John Peter Nathaniel Park

Converse Big

Abraham Parmenter Steven Taylor Jonas Brown Andrew Green John Cobb James Stedman Francis Chaffin Amos Nutting

G Ames

Amos Stow William Thorney John Hives Nathaniel Bemis Thomas Corey John Farrar

Sd4

HISTORY OF SUDBTJRY.

Besides those who served iii the Canada Expedition in Captain Wheeler's company, Colonel Robinson's regiment, we give the following who served in his company when in the regiment of Colonel Read. A large share of the names in this and other lists were once familiar in Sudbury. Those which were not may have been of substitutes who made up the quota.

COT.ONEL read's REGIMENT, GENERAL BRECKET'S BRIGADE, GENERAL

gates' division.

Capt. Asahel Wheeler Sergent Uriah Wheeler Lieut. Hopstill Willis Corp. Daniel Osborn Aaron Eames Thomas Eames Josiah Richardson Jesse Goodnow Uriah Hunt Thomas Burbank Benj. Berry, Nathaniel Rice Deliverance Parmenter Isaac Moore Daniel Noyes John Sheperd W"^ Walker Daniel W. Moore Jonas Clark W'" Dun Nathaniel Bryant Aaron Maynard Jonathan Burbank Richard Wetherbee Phinehas Gleason Phinehas Gleason Jr John Barney John Adams John [Thonning] W" [Thorning] Ebenezer Park Edward Whitman Thomas Emes David Underwood — Rice

John Taylor Hezekiah Hapgood [Moris Clary] Nathaniel Browne Ebenezer Plympton Gideon Maynard Isaac Rice Timothy Rice Francis Green Abel Willis John Frazer Jacob Kibley Jason Haines Samuel Merriam Jonas [Chase] Abel Willis Aaron Eames Jr. Josiah Hosmer Benj. Tower Solomon Taylor Judah Wetherbee W'" Graves Ezekiel Smith James Willis Edward [Cheney] Thomas Harrington Jacob Stevens Phineas Stevens Nathan Gates Daniel Noyes Benj. [Hale] Nathaniel Rice W™ Hosmer Jr.

Amos

Samuel Brown 395

Joseph Rutter Charles Brown John Parmenter Francis Hemenway

Isaac Rice Silas Conant Blanchard

Several names belonging in tlie above list have become illegible in the records.

The following were also in 1776, in tlie company of Captaii

the Ticonderoga Campaign, in Wheeler :

James Wright Abel Tower Isaac Bartlett Mica Graves Thomas Bloget Ezra Parmenter Abel Goodenow Theodore Harrington Jonathan Bent Isaac Bartlett Abel Tower Aaron Mosmon Ebenezer Nixon Jonas Emery Paul Colidge Josiah Tomson Elias Bigelow Joseph Abbot Gregory Stone Nath' Knowlton Nath^i Browne John Park Samuel Bond William Hosmer Peter Brintnal Nathan Maynard Aaron Maynard Abel Child

Jacob

John Carter Joseph Rutter Nathaniel Knowlton

Ellijah

Jacob Jones Uriah Wheeler W™ Grout Joseph Goodenow

John Hoar Ebenezer Heald Christian Wagner Abel Goodenow [Samuel Dakin] Ebenezer Heard Solomon Whitney William Thomas

Samuel

Josiah Farrar Caleb Wheeler Jason Belcher Samuel Emery Jonas Billings Samuel Hoar Samuel Osborn Jesse Mosmon Capt. David Moore Francis Green Joshua Haynes Lieut Daniel Maynard John Parmenter Micah Graves Charles Rice Samuel Curtis John Adams Eleezer Parks Jonas Bond Samuel Poland Abel Willis John Parks Isaac Moore Micah Bowker John Bennef John Warren John Lands

The following Sudbury men served in the Ticonderoga Campaign, 1776, in the compan}^ of Captain Craft, Colonel Graton's regiment :
Peter Smith Abel Maynard
Isaac Wise Jesse Mosman
Aaron Mosman Simeon Ingersol
Abel Tower Charles Eames

The following served in the Ticonderoga Campaign, 1776, in the company of Captain Edgell, Colonel Brewer's regiment :
Lieut. Jonathan Rice Serg't Augustus Moore
William Maynard Nathan Hayward.
Joel Brigham.

Capt. Aaron Haynes had a company at Ticonderoga in 1776 in Col. Asa Whitcomb's regiment. His minute roll bears date, December, 1776, and the following names are upon it :
Aaron Haynes Capt Joseph Willis Ensigne
Aaron Holden 1'' Lieut, Aaron Haynes Drummer.
The soldiers included in the lists now given were of the armies which were endeavoring to gain Canada for the Continental cause, and force the British from the State of New York. The expedition or campaign against Canada was planned in the year 1775 by a committee of Congress which met at Cambridge in August of that year. The capture of the fortresses Ticonderoga and Crown Point on Lake Champlain in May, 1775, by Connecticut and Vermont militia, had opened the way to the St. Lawrence, and the expedition was designed to aid in getting possession of that part of Canada. Two forces were engaged in the work. One of these was composed of New York and New England troops and was placed under the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery and ordered to go by way of Lake Champlain to Montreal and Quebec. The other expedition left Cambridge, September, 1775, and was under the leadership of Col. Benedict Arnold. In the Canada Expedition, 1776, the following casualties occurred : Benjamin Berry lost an 397

arm, and at Ticonderoga the same year the following persons died :

Ensign Timothy Underwood Phinehas Gleason

Solomon Rice Timothy Rice

Sergeant Samuel Maynard died of small pox at Quebec with Arnold.

The service rendered by the Sudbury men who left Massachusetts with the army under Washington was largely performed in New York and vicinity. Washington arriving at New York about the middle of April, at once set about fortifying the vicinity and securing the passes of the Highlands on the Hudson River. In the operations about this part of the country hard fighting and toilsome marches were experienced. We hear of Sudbury soldiers at Saratoga, Stillwater, Fort Edward, and other places connected with the activity of the Continental forces in New York. At Saratoga Serg. Thadeus Moore was slain and Lieut. Joshua Clapp was wounded.

Names of Sudbury men enlisted in 1777 for three years or during the war.

OFFICERS.

Gen. John Nixon Capt. Abel Holden Leuit. Levi Holden Leuit. Oliver Rice Capt. Caleb Clap Leuit, Joshua Clap Capt. Aaron Haynes

Nathaniel Cutter Charles Gouell Ruben Moore Jr. Oliver Sanderson Uriah Moore Hezekiah Moore William Dun Joseph Nixon Joel Puffer Ephraim Goodenow Francis Green Luther Eames Luther Moore Joel Brigham

PRIVATES.

Sergeant Ruben Haynes Sergeant Aaron Haynes Sergeant Joseph Balcom Sergeant Uriah Eaton Sergent Thadeus Moore Sergeant Jonas Haynes,

John Buck Joshua Maynard Joseph Maynard Jonathan Robbinson Zak. Robbenson Oliver Robbenson Joseph Cutter Calvin Eames Josiah Cutter Joseph Willis Donal Lincoln Ruben Moore Joseph Meller

398 In connection with the foregoing we give the following list of men who enlisted for the same length of time but perhaps in another year. They were from " the 4"^ Regiment of Foot, commanded by Col. Ezekiel How." Only five of the names u'iven in the two lists are alike.

GUARD ROLL.

Capt. Abel Holden Benjamin Tower Luther Eames ' Charles Eames Corneleus Wood Joel Brigham Joseph Nixon Levi Holden Luther Moore Uriah Moore

years

Micah Grant 3 years

Jesse Goodenow "

Thomas Burbank "

Ephraim Goodenow "

Jonathan Bevens "

Jonas Welch "

Joseph Bent "

Abel Thompson "

Thomas Gibbs during; the war

PAY ROLL.

Sudbury June the- 27"^, 1778. We the Subscribers have received of Capt. Asahel Wheeler Nine Pounds for oure wages in full oure pay for October & Part November 1777 both for contannatel and State and mileage we say Received by ous

Moses Stone Nathaniel Rice Abel Smith William Brown Jonathan Haynes W" Moore Timothy Moore Abel Brigham Mathias Mosman Samuel Puffer Gidon Maynard Silas Tower James Moore Hezekial^ Johnson

his Silas X Parmenter mark

Samuel Knight in behalf [of]

Silas Knight

Daniel Maynard

Caleb Stacy

Timothy Ernes

Ephraim Moore

Asher Cutler Jr

Hopestill Willis

Jason Haynes

Daniel osborn

Phineas Puffer

John Parr is

Samuel Cutting

Isaac Goodenow

Beside men Avho enlisted for a long term of service in 1777, we have two lists of those whose enlistment was for a very short period. FIRST LIST. JAX. 1777 To New York Two months Capt. Nathaniel Hayward's Company, Col. Thatcher's Regiment. Cornelius Wood Thomas Dalremple

Daniel Loring Thomas Dalremple Jr

Ser' Maj"' W™ Goodenow Thomas Moore

Serg* Uriah Wheeler - Daniel Hamynes

W"' Brown Theodore Harrington

Abel Parmenter

The last four of these men are spoken of as having been taken prisoners and never lieard of afterwards.

SECOND LIST. July 1777. To Saratoga Three months. Col. Brown's Regiment. (General Gates, Commander. Capt. Jonathan Rice John Brown

Serg' Abel Maynard Ebenezer Burbank

Ezekiel How Nathaniel Brown

Caleb Wheeler Nathaniel Bryant

Isaac W^ier David How

Abel Willis

As the war j'l'ogressed Sudburj^ was still active in filling its quota. In 1778, several companies were still in the field. Four of these had three hundred and twenty-seven men and were commanded as follows : West Side men, Capt. Jonathan Rice and Capt. Asahel AVheeler; East Side men, Capt. Nathaniel Maynard and Capt. Isaac Cutting. In the Stearns Collection we have the following lists of men in two of these companies.

FOR CAP. MAYNARD'S COMPANY, SUDBURY

Lieut. Joseph Wellington, during the war.

Robert Bennet "

Farkins Hosmer "

Oliver Sanderson "

Simon Newton "

Ephraim Barker ."

Jonathan Barker "

James Gibbs " Pathrick Flinn during the war.

James Welch "

Timothy Ahgeii "

John Carrol "

Morris Griffin "

Daniel Hickey "

Samuel Whitney "

Joseph Foster "

Christopher Capen "

Ephraim Carry " Ambros Fergerson for 3 years

Timothy Bent "

Samuel Whitney "

Phinehas Butler "

W"" Cook Gleason "

Thomas Jones "

Abraham Parmenter " Noah Bogle

John Stover transient "

FOR CAPT. wheeler's COMPANY.

Joseph Balcom 3 years Joseph Mossman 3 years

Ruben Haynes " Joel Brigham "

Capt. Jonathan Maynard had a company in the two months service in 1782 in the Seventh Regiment, Lieut. Col. John Brooks. He also had a company in the twelve months service in the same regiment.

FOR CAPT. MOULTON'S CO.

Joseph Smith 3 years Richard Morris 3 years

John Burk " James Scroday "

Joseph Maynard " W" Bevens "

Joshua Maynard " Uriah Eaton '•

Isaac Rice " Francis Green "

Nathaniel Cutler " Patherick Flin during the war

Joseph Cutler " John Carrol "

Thadeus Moore " Morris Griffin " Oliver Sanderson "

Other enlistments were,

Capt Aaron Haynes during the war Eleazer Lawrence 3 years Aaron Haynes Jr 3 years James Beamis "

The following is a list of Sudbury men in Capt. Daniel 401

Bowker's company, together with the time when they joined Colonel Webb's regiment :

SUDBURY.

Daniel Bowker Capt. Oliver Parmenter Ezra Mossman Edward Moore Silas Ames Ashbel Moore

Steven Puffer, died Oct. 3d. Silas Puffer John Brigham Samuel Willis Corp. Ezra Willis

SUDBURY EAST.

Isaac Gary Asa Holden Oliver Travis

Isaac Cory Jr Ruben Graves

The men from Sudbury joined Sept. 9th except Capt. Bowker who entered Sept. 15th. Those from East Sudbury entered Oct, 6'^

Highlands, Nov 20, 1785

The following paper shows the sums paid for enlistments

in 1780:

Sudbury June 22^ 1780

hereby acknowledge that we have severally

appointed by the town of Sudbury to agree

wn's Quota of soldiers agreeable to an act of

of June instant the several sums annexed to

We the subscribers do received of the Committee with and hire the said To the Gen. Court of the fifth our names

his

Benjamin X Seaver £^00

mark

Joshua Hemenway " 750

Jonas Haynes " 600

Abel Brigham " 600

Abel Cutler " 600

Ezra Willis " 900

Naham Haynes " 750

Asa Holden " 600

his Joseph X Cutter ^900

mark

Peter "900

Ebenezer Parmenter "600

his Peletiah X Parmenter "600

mark Luther Moor ' " 700

Luther Emes " 900

CHAPTER XXII.                 page 402

1775-1800.

Revolutionary War. Report of a Committee Appointed by the Town to Estimate the Service of Sudbury Soldiers. Appointment of a Committee to Make up and Bring in Muster Rolls of the Services of Each Soldier in the War. Muster Rolls: Captain Rice's, Captain Wheeler's, Captain Maynard's, Captain Cutting's. Whole Number of Men in the War. Their Valiant Service. Casualties. Sketch of Gen. John Nixon. Town-Meetings. Encouragements to Enlistment. Specimen of Enlistment Papers. Various Requisitions Made on the Town.

Their death shot shook the feudal tower, And shattered slavery's chain as well ; On the sky's dome, as on a bell.

Its echo struck the world's great hour.

Whittiek.

Having now j^i'esented the names of the soldiers obtuined from various other sources, we will give a list found on the Town Records, which purports to contain the names of all soldiers of the town who served in the Revolutionary War up to the fall of 1778, together with extracts from the records which led to this enrollment of names.

June 25, 1778, " The town by their vote ordered their Com. appointed to estimate the services of each particular person in Sudbury in the present war, to report at the next Town meeting."

At a town-meeting held October 10, tlie committee above mentioned reported as follows: (The fractional parts of pounds we have omitted.)

That the minute men be allowed each £0

That the Eight Months be allowed each 20

Six weeks men to Roxbury allowed each 4

402 Two months men to Cambridge allowed each ^6

The years men to York and the Northward allowed each 75

Six months men to the Castle allowed each 9

Five months men to Ticonderoga allowed each 50

Three months men to Dorchester with Cap' Moulton allowed each 7

Two months men to York allowed each 25

Three months men to York and the Jerseys allowed each 4S

Two months men to Providence allowed each 12

Three months men to Ticonderoga allowed each 52

Thirty days men to Saratoga allowed each 20

Three months men to Providence allowed each 30

Three months men to guard at Cambridge allowed each 18

Six weeks men to Rhode Island allowed each 20

Four months men to guard' the troops and stores allowed each 20

Three months men to Boston allowed each 20

That those persons who have hired men to perform any of the above services at a time when there was an actual Levy for men, be allowed for Said Service as if performed in person. That those that paid fines or advanced money for the good of the service, be allowed in the same proportion as their money would procure men to perform the Services which at that time they Neglected to do in person. That no persons shall be intitled to Receive pay for any of the above Services Unless he Shall be first taxed towards the payment thereof. Also that Each person shall Receive pay only for the time he was in actual Service

Sudbury Octo'' 19"> 1778 Ezekiel How ]

Phineas Glezen I

Ton'' Rice ^

A , , TTr, , r Committee

Asahel Wheeler

Isaac Loker |

Tho Walker J

The town voted to accept the above report, and appointed men to make up and bring to the town complete muster rolls of the services of each person in Sudbury in the then present war with Great Britain. This meeting was adjourned to October 26, at which date the following record was made, namely :

Oct. 26"^ 1778. Capt Rice's musteroll was read, and the town voted to Grant to Each person Expressed by name in said musteroll the Sum Set to their Respective name, as may appear by said musteroll, which was as follows viz'

To Hopestill Willis £73 Silas Parmenter ^17

Ens" Josiah Richardson 75 Elisha Harrington 12

John Moore 53 Nathan Read 25

404 Uriah Moore Ju""

i:58

L' Micah Goodenow

i:n6

Asher Cutler Ju''

71

Eben'' Wood

51

Will™ Goodenow

51

Jesse Moore adm'

21

L'' Thomas Goodenow

30

Hopestill Browne ad"'

6

Israel Willis adm""

51

Cap' Sam> Knight

44

Sami Cutting

41

Asher Cutler

9

Nath'^i Rice Ju""

35

Cori Sam^ How

46

Joseph Green

10

Aaron Johnson

77

Abel Parmenter

17

William Parmenter

9

Isaac Hunt Ju''

62

Reuben Vorce

12

Nath" Bryant

35

Sam" Hunt

12

Uriah Hayden

95

Cap' Israel Moore

102

Abel Goodenow

31

L' Elisha Wheeler

73

David How

126

Aaron Goodenow Ju''

52

Philemon Brown

35

Tho. Emes

26

U Jacob Read

76

Nath^' Brown

11

James Wyse

75

Edward Bayanton

26

John Goodenow

50

John Browne

52

L* Jon^ Carter

102

Wid" Sarah Brigham

52

Dan",W Moore

50

Israel Parmenter

52

W™ Walker

50

Cap' Moses Stone

50

Deliverance Parmenter

50

Silas Goodenow

40

Jotham Goodenow

50

Tho' Carr Ju''

48

Col. Ezekiel How

70

Uriah Gibbs

30

Dan'i Osborn

70

Micah Parmenter

30

Elijah Rice

50

James Thomson

41

Peter Haynes

50

Ens" Jonas Holdin

53

Jon" Carter Ju''

70

W" Hayden

53

Nath" Rice

50

Eliab Moore

39

Cap' Jon° Rice

95

Jonas Wheler

18

Isaac Read

33

Tho' Dalrimple

27

Elijah Moore

10

Sam" Geason

26

Cap' Cornelius Wood

9

Abel Thomson

75

L' Rowand Bogle

63

Will™ Hunt

33

Robert Ernes

20

D'' Josiah Langdon

12

Eph™ Carter

25

Sam" Bent

3

John Brigham

35

Elisha Wheeler Ju

51

John Parry

45

Eph™ Goodenow Ju'

20

Uriah Parmenter

55

David How Ju'

3

Jos^ Parmenter

45

Moses Goodenow

3

Oliver Mors

28

John WilHs

32

Eph™ Moore

45

Sam" Brown

32

Joseph Moore

35

Joseph Grout

32

Hopestill Brown

90

Cap' Abel Holdin

96

W'" Brown

68

Luther Moore

29

Isaac Lincoln Ju""

48

Aaron Emes

21 405

Jesse Gibbs ^48

Nahum Hayden 48

W" Parmenter 48

Reuben Willis 48

Tho» Walker 48

L' Joseph Read 27

L' Joseph Goodenow 19

Timothy Ernes 27

M"" Asahel Goodenow ;^12

Elijah Willis Exe^ 10

Aaron Goodenow 17

Augustus Walker 17

Charles Ernes 20

Ezekiel How Ju'' 52

Ens° Levi Holdin 75

Capt Asahel Wheeler's MusteroU was read, and the town voted to allow to each person expressed by name therein the Sum Set to his name in said musteroll, which was as follows viz*

To Cap' Asahel Wheler

^83

Phinehas Puffer

;^68

L' Joshua Haynes

78

Tho^ Puffer

52

L' Abijah Brigham

41

Isaac Puffer

32

Augustus Moore

46

James Parmenter Ju''

30

Isaac Maynard

198

Edmund Parmenter

50

Asahel Balcom

72

Tho^ Plympton Esq''

86

Will™ Moore

71

Dan" Puffer

32

Uriah Wheler

61

Charles Rice

21

Jason Haynes

70

W"^ Rice 3d

70

Peter Smith

82

Ithamor Rice

54

John Maynard Ju'

16

Abel Smith

44

Dan^^ Maynard

59

John Shirly

21

Jason Bent

66

Sam" Puffer

65

Jon* Bent

17

L* Oliver Noyse

81

Joseph Balcom

30

Nathan Loring

32

John Balcom

49

Cap' Elijah Smith

52

Jonas Balcom

52

Henry Smith

96

Sam^' Brigham

18

Benj'' Smith

52

Hope Brown

55

Jotham Brown

26

John Clark

29

John Shepard

30

James Carter

21

Ambrose Tower

132

Joseph Dakin

38

Israel Wheler

50

Dea" Sam" Dakin

25

John Weighton

34

Dan" Goodenow

32

Abel Willis

50

Moses Haynes

32

Copi Dan" Bowker

70

Israel Haynes

113

L' James Puffer

52

James Haynes

129

James Puffer Ju''

45

Jon* Haynes

45

Dan" Loring

76

Charles Haynes

73

Jere'^ Robbins

21

Cap' Aaron Haynes

190

W"^ Hunt Ju'

62

Macah Haywood

49

John Mosmon

50

Moses Maynard

25

L' Mathias Mosman

35

Nathan Maynard

35

Francis Green

20

John Maynard

150

Jesse Willis

32

406 Aaron Maynard ^50

Timoy Moore 24

Zee'* Maynard 70

Jesse Mosman 95

Joseph Maynard Guar 75

Dan'^ Noyse Jun 55

Moses Noyse 77

Silas Tower £\

Capt David Moore Ex'" 20

Thads Moore Ex'' 95

Simeon Ingersal Ex"" 79

Nath'^ Cutter Ex'' 24

Jonas Rice Ex'' 20

Jon^ Smith 49

Then Cap' Nath" Maynard's MusteroU was read and the town voted to allow to each person expressed by name therein the Sum Set to his name in said Musteroll which was as followeth viz'

To John Adams Benj'* Adams Josiah Allen Ephe"* Abbot Amos Abbot W" Baldwin Esq'' ,L* W" Barker Rolan Bennet John Dean James Davis L' Josiah Farrar Abraham Jenkinson Sam'i Griffin •• Micah Graves Phinehas Glezen Isaac Gould Reuben Gould Jacob Gould Cap' Josiah Hoar L* Jon^ Hoar Cap' Nath" Maynard Daniel Maynard Dan" Moore Israel Moore John Noyes Esq"^ James Noyes Jason Parmenter Jon'' Parmenter Ju'' D' Eben'' Roby Joseph Rutter Ju'' Tho' Rutter Jonas Sherman Edward Sherman Timoy Sherman

Z50

L' Eben"" Staples

Z18

23

Tho^ Trask

12

50

Isaac Woodward

7

30

L' John Noyes

73

20

Samuel Sherman

20

50

Eph'" Allen ad'"

95

32

James Philips

95

12

Lemuel Whiting

95

45

L' Josiah Wilinton

95

52

John Brewer

40

13

Elijah Bent

95

52

Zechh Bent

6

80

Zech** Bryant Ju''

70

57

John Bruce

50

63

Maj'' Jo^ Curtis

5

4

David Curtis

32

25

L' Sam" Choat

25

25

Thad^ Bond

40

5

Cap' Joseph Payson

32

40

W" Wyman

30

G8

Isaac Brintnal

20

50

Peter Brintnal

20

34

Joshua Kendal

20

12

Cap' Richard Heard

132

50

Tho« Heard

53

52

Richard Heard Ju''

20

18

Trobridge Taylor

18

15

Darius Hudson

52

50

Joseph Emerson

52

50

Nath ' Knolton

20

20

Sam" Haynes

3

25

Wid" Ann Noyes

30

50

Isaac Moore

20

12

Simon Newton

70 407

Then Capt Cutting's MusteroU was read and the town voted to allow to each person expressed by name therein, the Sum Set to his name in said MusteroU, which was as follows, viz'

To

Lt W" Bond

£-2i

L' Joseph Smith

^95

Thom^ BrintnaJ

r,

Cap' Caleb Moulton

34

Joseph Beal

32

Micah Maynard ad''

50

Isaac Cutting

32

Amos Ordeway

4

John Cutting

50

D"^ Sam" Parris

32

Elisha Cutting

58

L' Isaac Rice

54

Jon"^ Cutting

20

Isaac Rice

25

Sam" Curtis

20

Dan" Rice

17

Tho' Damon Ju''

57

Israel Rice Ju''

26

W" Damon

25

Jonas Rice

9

Isaac Damon

12

Edmund Rice

42

Benj" Dudley Ju""

L' Sam" Russell

32

Cor' Joseph Dudley

50

Capt. Thad'' Russell

20

Eben"" Dudley

29

Capt Robert Cutting

55

W'» Dudley

56

Jacob Reeves

46

Eben'' Johnson

50

L' Nath* Reeves

20

Peter Johnson

24

Joseph Smith Capt.

76

John Loker

45

L' Ephraim Smith

22

Jonas Loker ad''

5

Isaac Stone

50

Cap' Isaac Loker

76

David Stone

50

John Meriam

26

Joel Stone

16

Capt. Caleb Moulton

34

John Tilton

32

Capt Micah Maynard ad''

50

John Tilton Ju'"

60

Amos Ordeway

4

Timo^ Underwood acV

55

D-- Sam" Peris

32

Timoy Underwood

21

Lt Isaac Rice

54

Jon" Westson

20

Isaac Rice

25

Isaic Williams

20

Dan" Rice

17

L' John Whitney

88

Israel Rice Ju''

20

Eben"" Eaton

52

Micah Rice

4

Will"^' Grout

35

Isaac Smith

56

Francis Jones

64

Cap' Tho^ Damon

20

Cap' Jesse Emes

5

John Barney

4

The foregoing lists indicate a patriotic zeal highly commendable to the citizens of Sudbury. The town had a population of twenty-one Imndred and sixty with about five hundred ratable polls ; and it is supposed that, during the war, from four to five hundred men had some service either in camp or field. Of these soldiers, cue was brigadiergeneral, three were colonels, two were majors, two were adjutants, two were surgeons, twenty -four were captains and twenty-nine were lieutenants. We hear of Sudbury men from Concord to Bunker Hill, and from there to the Highlands of the Hudson. Where Washington went they followed. They stood near Stark in that post of danger by the bank of the Mystic. They were ordered to strike the front of Burgoyne at the north, and they endured the rigors of a Canadian winter in the attempt to gain Canada for the Continental cause. It matters not where they were found, they were true to their commander and loyal to every trust. The officers were the friends of the great leaders of the American army, and the record of the achievements of the sons of Sudbury, in the old French and Indian War period, was not broken when they met in open field the discipline and experience of the veteran troops of the British throne. Wherever an English front was deployed, Sudbury soldiers, if ordered, never flinched from meeting it. They went into the field to stay, or, if they returned, to rally if again called to the conflict. The summons to town-meeting at home was but as the long roll of the civilian Avhich called him to devise means for filling and equipping the quota of troops or to assist the families of men at the front. Ticonderoga, Saratoga, Stillwater and White Plains were familiar names in old Sudbury. The battle-fields of the Revolution were not alone heard of by the children in the little red schoolhouses on the town's common land, but they heard them talked of in the household by those who had been upon them in the measured march or counter-march, the advance, retreat, or pursuit, until they were as well known as the broad acres on their own peaceful farms. The old king's or queen's arm in the corner had its history. The bullet-pouch had been emptied time after time into the ranks of the foe, and the cocked hat that long hung by the fireside was begrimed, not by the smoke from the hearth, but by the dust and smoke of battle. That the soldiers were in places of peril is indicated by the following record of casualties, though probably but a part of them are here recorded. CASUALTIES TO SUDBURY SOLDIERS. KILLED.

Deacon Josiah Haynes, Aged SO, April 19"^ 1775

Asahel Read April 19"^ 1775

Joshua Haynes Jr, of Capt Aaron Haynes' Company, June "' 1775, at

Bunker Hill. Sergeant Thadeus Moore, 1777, at Saratoga Benjamin Whitney, By accident

WOUNDED.

JGen, John Nixon at Bunker Hill Cornelius Wood

Nathan Maynard : : Nahum Haynes

Capt, David Moore Lieut, Joshua Clapp, wounded at

Joshua Haynes Saratoga

Benjamin Barry, lost an arm in Canada Expedition, 177G

DIED OF SICKNESS.

Sergeant Major Jesse Moore Sergeant Samuel Maynard, of the

Sergeant Hopestill Brown small pox, at Ouebeck with

Sergeant Elijah Willis Arnold, 1776

AT TICONDEROGA.

Ensign Timothy Underwood Oliver Sanderson

Daniel Underwood James Puffer

Phinehas Gleason Stephen Puffer, of Capt Daniel

Solomon Rice Bowker's Co., Col Webb's Reg'

Timothy Rice died Oct 3'^

Josiah Cutter

TAKEN PRISONER AND NEVER HEARD OF.

Thadeus Harrington Thomas Dalrimple

Thomas Moore , Daniel Haynes.

LOST PRIVATEERING. '

Isaac Moore Silas Goodenow

Lemuel Goodenow Peletiah Parmenter

PERSONS WHO MET WITH CASUALTIES THE NATURE OF WHICH IS NOT

SPECIFIED.

John Brewer James Demander

John Bemis Timothy Mossman.

" Green be the graves where her martyrs are lying ; Shroudless and tombless they sank to their rest; While o'er their ashes the starry fold flying Wraps the proud eagle they roused from his nest."

In closing tliis account of Sudbury's military service we will qive some facts in the life of General Nixon. SKETCH OF GENERAL NIXON.

Gen. John Nixon was a son of Christopher Nixon who went to Framingham about 1724, where seven children were born of whom John was the oldest. At an early age, being but a mere boy, he entered the army, and at the instigation of older persons he left unlawfully, but clemency was shown him and he was allowed to return to the ranks. His subsequent career proved him to be a true soldier.

In 1745, when he was but twenty years old, he was in the Pepperell Expedition to Louisburg, and lieutenant in Captain Newell's company at Crown Point in 1755. Later in the war he served as captain. At one time, when operating against the French forces, he was led into an ambuscade and only forced his way out with the loss of most of his men. As before noticed, at the beginning of the Revolutionary War he served as captain of a company of minute men. April 24, 1775, he received the commission of colonel. He fought and was wounded at the battle of Bunker Hill. He went with the army under Washington to New York, and was promoted, August 9, to brigadier-general. His promotion to the rank of general of brigade was on recommendation of Washington, who stated to Congress that Nixon's military talents and bravery entitled him to promotion. In his new position he had, for a time, command of two regiments an^ a force of artillery at Governor's Island, New York Harbor. August 27, he left there, and subsequently operated with the army in the northern campaign in New York State against Burgoyne. When it Avas decided to advance against the latter, General Gates ordered Nixon and two other commanders to make the attack. A cannon ball passed so near his head that the sight and hearing on one side were impaired. After the surrender of Burgoyne, General Nixon and some others were detailed to escort the prisoners to Cambridge. About that time he had a furlough of several months, in which time he married his second wife. General Nixon was on the court-martial with Generals Clinton, Wayne and Muhlenburg, and of which Gen. Benjamin Lincoln was president for the trial of General Schuyler for the neglect of duty in the campaign of 1777, by which Ticonderoga was surrendered. The trial was at the request of General Schuyler, and by it he was fully acquitted with the highest honors. In 1777, General Nixon's brigade had head-quarters for a time at Peekskill, N. Y., and for a time in 1777, at Albany. On Sept. 12, 1780, he closed his military career by resigning his commission as general, and retired to private life. He married for his first wife Thankful Berry, Feb. 7, 1754 ; and for his second, Hannah Gleason in 1778, the widow of Capt. Micajah Gleason who was killed at the battle of White Plains, N. Y., in 1776. He had nine children, of whom five were daughters. One of them, Sarah, married Abel Cutler, the father of the late C. G. Cutler, Esq., of Sudbury.

About 1806, he went to Middlebury, Vt. At the time of the battle of Lake Champlain he was living with a daughter at Burlington ; and, on hearing the sound of the cannon on the lake, he wanted a horse brought that he might go and witness the fight. General Nixon died at Middlebury, 1815, at the advanced age of ninety. When he was thirty years old he bought a tract of thirty-two acres of land of Josiali Browne on the northern side of Nobscot Hill, where he was living at the breaking out of the Revolutionary War. After he retired from the army, he lived for a time at Framingham and kept tavern at Rice's End. He afterwards returned to Sudbmy, and was admitted to the church there May 22, 1803.

Although Mr. Nixon was pre-eminently a military man by nature and experience, and had known much of the hard fare and the rough companionship of the armj'", yet he was a man of affable address and quiet demeanor. He was of light complexion, medium size and cheerful disposition. He was a decided man and a great lover of children. One of his grandsons informed the writer that the old man used to take his grandchildren on his knee and sing war songs to them ; one that he remembered was as follows :

" Oh, why, soldiers, why, should we be melancholy, boys ? whose business 'tis to die. Through cold, hot and dry we are always bound to follow, boys, and scorn to fly."

412 liisTORY OP suDiBURl^

C. G. Cutler, the grandson referred to, was about ninety years old when he repeated the verse. None of General Nixon's family, who bear the name, are now living in vSudbury. The site of his dwelling-place is still pointed out not far from the run or spring land on the northerly slope of Nobscot, but even the last faint trace of his former dwellingplace time is fast wearing away, and soon nothing but the record will tell of this illustrious citizen and soldier of Sudbury.

In considering the military service of the town in the Revolutionary War, we have only considered a part of her history. During that time important civil transactions were taking place also. There were deprivations to be endured by those at home : the country was burdened with debt, the currency was in a very uncertain state, and, because of its depreciated condition, there was more or less confusion in commercial affairs. There was as much need of sagacity on the part of the civilian in council, as of military men in the field, to direct the affairs of State and town. The townmeetings of those days were very important occasions, and, unless the people met emergencies there in a prompt and efficient manner, the fighting element in the field could accomplish but little. In this respect the people of Sudbury were not deficient. We have heard of no instance where a Tory spirit was manifest nor where a patriotic purpose was wanting. During the war, a large share of the town Avarrants set forth the needs of the county or town which were caused by the war ; and the town-meeting that followed was about sure to result in a generous response to the demand. As the history of the war period will not be complete without presenting some of these acts we will give a few of them here.

ENCOURAGEMENTS TO ENLISTMENT.

We may well presume from the spirit manifested by the minute companies, more or less of whose members enlisted for a longer or shorter term, that patriotism was a prominent motive for entering the service. But the war was protracted, and a large share of the soldiers had families dependent upon them, and, hence, for the late enlistments extra inducements

RESIDENCE OF SAMUEL B. ROGERS, So. Sudbury. Sketch of Family History /'agi- 4jo.

tilSTORY OF sudJbuey. 413

were to be expected. To narrate all that was clone at each successive town-meeting would be needless ; we will, therefore, give only a few specimens which will serve to show the spirit of the peoiDle.

In 1777, twenty pounds were voted to each man who would enlist ; also the town chose a committee to provide for soldiers' families.

In 1778, voted some three hundred and seventy pounds for clothhig for the soldiers ; also the town committee were instructed to hire men for the army for seventy-four pounds each "if they could if not, to give more." The same year " voted to give 50 pounds to each man who would enlist as a part of the town quota for 9 months."

The same year a committee was appointed " to hire 12 men to go to the North River for 8 months or such time as they will agree for."

The same year " 14 men were hired for the service of Providence."

On May 17, 1779, voted to "hire the men to be detatched from the militia of this town to march to Tiverton, R. I., and granted 1300 pounds to hire the men with and 200 pounds to provide things for their families."

In 1779, a committee was chosen " to hire men for the public service in behalf of the town whenever there may be a call on the militia for service."

At the same date, four hundred and twenty pounds were granted " to hire live soldiers with for service of Tiverton R. I."

The same date, thirty-nine hundred pounds were granted to hire thirteen soldiers for nine months' service.

In 1781, voted that the committee should attend to "hiring the town quota for three years without loss of time and if the men cannot be obtained in town then they are to apply elsewhere," fifteen pounds in specie was granted for the purpose.

As an inducement to enlistment the town sometimes oifered live stock. The following is a specimen :

" We being a Committee appointed by the Town of Sudbury to hire the Town Quota of men for three years or

4l4 During the war agreable to a Resolve of Court Dec 2, 1780 do agree with John Ruck, Naynam Haynes, Zechrus Robison and Oliver Robison who has enlisted themselves into the Sarvis agreable to Law, Resolve to give each of them Eighteen this Spring Calves, Said Calves to be kept for and Delivered to the above Parsons when they are Regularly Discharged from the Said Sarvis, also Three Thousing Dollars old Currency to be paid Each when they are properly mustered.

" Asahel Wheeler \

"Aaron Haynes > Committee."

"Jon* Rice }

We give below a copy of a soldier's Enlistment Paper.

We the subscribers do hereby severally inlist Ourselves into the Service of the United Colonies of America to serve until the first day of April next, if the service shall require it ; and each of us do engage to furnish and carry v^ith us into the Service a good effective Firearm and Blanket also a good Bayonet and Cartridge Pouch if possible. And we severally consent to be formed by such Persons as the General Court shall appoint into a Company of Ninety men including one Captain Two Lieutenants one Ensign four Sergeants, four Corporals one Drummer and one Fifer, to be elected by the Companies, and when formed we engage to march to Headquarters of the American Army with the utmost Expedition and to be under the command of such Field Officer or Officers as the Gen. Court shall appoint. And we farther agree during the Time aforesaid to be subject to such Generals as are or shall be appointed ; and to be under such Regulations in every Respect as are provided for the Army aforesaid. Dated this Day of

A. D. 1776.

Jesse Jones Zebediah Farrar.

John Peter Richard Heard

Sarson Belcher Joseph Smith

Timothy Underwood John Merriam.

Josia Farrar Abraham Parmenter

Ephraim Smith Benjamin Dudley

Phinehas Glezen Israel Jones Uriah Moore.

Besides tlie furnishing of men and equipments various other services were from time to time required of the town. At one time the towns were assessed for hay for the army at Cambridge, and Sudbury was required to furnish nine tons; only three other towns were required to furnish as much. At another time they were called on to provide men and teams to convey gunpowder to Springfield.

CHAPTER XXIII.                 page 415

1775-1800.

Attention the Town Bestowed on its Home Needs during the War. Specimen Report of a Town-Meeting. Attitude of the Town towards the Measures of Boston Merchants relative to the Reduction of Prices. Appointment of Delegate to a Convention Called for the Purpose of Framing a New Constitution. Committee Appointed to Regulate Prices. Report of Committee. Vote on the New Constitution. Educational Matters. Division of the Town. Committee on a Line of Division. Committee Appointed to Present a Remonstrance to the Court- Instructions to the Committee. Act of the Court Authorizing a Division. Committee Appointed to Make a Division of the Money and Real Estate. Report of the Committee. Appointment of Other Committees. Financial Report. Official Boards for 1780 and 1781. Miscellaneous. — Shay's Rebellion. Erection of Meeting-House. Miscellaneous.

The roll of drums and the bugle's wailing

Vex the air of our vales no more ; The spear is beaten to hooks of pruning,

The share is the sword the soldiers wore.

Whittier.

The following specimen of work done at a fall townmeeting in the very midst of the war shows that home needs were not neglected while militar}'- matters were absorbing so much attention. Nov. 8, 1779, the town granted money as follows, namely :

To pay the several town Debts .2^1457 : :

To pay the Rev"* Ministers their Salary 148 : : Gratuity to the Rev^ Ministers /2000 : :

for the Grammar School 1000 : :

for a Reading and Writing School 2000 : :

for the support of the Poor 2000 : :

to pay the Assessors 200 : :

to pay the town Treasrer 40 : :

to the Towns Com""^" for money paid to the Last Six

months men to the State of New York 500 : :

to the Selectmen the money paid to s*^ men by order of

the General Court 500 : :

to pay the money that has been paid to the six months

men to Rhode Island 180 : :

to provide for the Continental families 800 : :

At the same town meeting adjourned to Dec. G**^ 1779 the town granted six hundred pounds to enable a committee chosen at said meeting to oppose a Division of the town and to carry on said affair.

James Thompson, Town Clerk.

At a town meeting held July 12, 1779, it was

Voted that this town highly approves of the measures taken by the merchants and other the inhabitants of the town of Boston in order to reduce the exorbitant prices of the necessaries of life. Consequently to appreciate our Currency that the town will adopt such reasonable measures as may be agreed upon by the joint Committees from the several towns in this state. It also voted to send Major Joseph Curtis to represent them in the convention to meet in Cambridge for the purpose of framing a new constitution or form of government, and instructed him to cause a printed copy of the form of a constitution that might be agreed upon to be transmitted to the Select Men of the town.

Aug 9th. The town voted to appoint seven persons to state the prices of Innholders' labour, Theaming, manufactures and all other articles not taken up by the convention at Concord.

Aug. 16th. The town having met according to adjournment, the Committee appointed to state the prices of all such articles as were not taken up by the Convention at Concord reported as follows

West India Rum by the gallon £6. 9

New England Rum by the gallon 4.15

Coffe by the pound 4.15

Sugar by the pound from II to 14. Chocolate by the pound 24. Bohe Tea by the pound 5 : 16. Cotton wool by the pound 37 : 6, German Steel 30 D" Salt best quality by the Bushel ^10 : 10 Country Produce Indian Corn by the Bushel 80, Rye by the Bushel, l~i : 10 Wheat by the Bushel ^8 : 10 Beaf by the pound 5 Muton, Lamb and Veal by the pound 3 : 6 Foreign Beaf and Pork as sett by the convention. Butter by the pound 11 Chese D" 6 Milk by the quart 16 English Hay q"" hundred 30

Men's shoes 6"*', women's shoes 4^"^', cotton cloth 4 : 6, Labor. teaming under 30 miles IS, carpenter work by the day GO, i\Iason per day 60, Maids wages per week 5 Dollars. Oxen per day 24, Horse Hire 3 per mile. Inn Holder a good dinner 20, common dinner 12. Best supper and Breakfast 15, each common Do. 12, Lodgings 4. Horse keeping 24 hours on hay 15, on grass 10, a yoke of oxen a night 15.

The grade of prices thus established was made in accordance with a resolve of a convention that met at Concord, and the list of prices made was in depreciated currency that was in ratio of about twenty shillings paper to one shilling in silver. " If any one should persist in refusing to accept these prices, their names should be published in the public News Paper and the good people of the town should withhold all trade and intercourse from them."

On May IT, 1779, a vote was taken to see how many favored the formation of a new constitution or form of government. Fifty -nine voted in the affirmative and ten in the negative. The representative was instructed to vote for calling a State convention to form the new constitution.

At a meeting held May 22, 1780, " The Constitution being read, the town voted that they think it reasonable that each town in the State should pay their own proper representatives both their travel to and attendance at the General Court, and desire that clause providing for their pay for travel out of the public treasury should be altred, 41 voting for this alteration and 8 against it. The}' desire that the word Protestant may be inserted in the room of, or added to the word Christian Religion, in qualifications of the Govenor and all other officers both civil and military, 30 for and 19 against it.

" They also desire that the time for revising the Constitution may not exceed seven years, 55 voting for this alteration, one against it." EDUCATIONAL MATTERS.

Prominent among the records relating to educational matters in the early part of the period was the following : 1773. "To Daniel Bowker for building N. W. School House 18 pounds, to the same for building Lanham School House 23-6-8. To Ambrose Tower for building school house near west meeting house 17-7-4. To W"' Dudley to building the Farm end school house 26-13-4." In 1774, a vote was taken to see " if the town will order that the several school houses in said town shall be supplied with wood for the future at the charge of the town." It " passed in the negative." It may be that it had been customary for the citizens of each district to contribute wood for the school-houses and that this was an early movement made to have it supplied by the town. That the school-houses were warmed in those times is evident. The following year the town granted eight pounds for supplying the several school-houses with wood for the year, and repeatedly after this were sums granted for this purpose. That the school-houses at that time were warmed by means of a fire-place is indicated by the following record of 1782: " To Jacob Reed for mendinghearth at Lanham school house." In 1778, the town voted to build a new school-house near IMr. Phineas Puffers. In 1779, it was voted to build a new school-house in the northwest corner of the town, appropriating the two old schoolhouses for the building of the new.

DIVISION or THE TOWN.

A prominent event of this period was the division of the town. The proposition came before the town by petition of John Tilton and others June 25, 1778, in the East meeting -house. " The question was put whether it was the minds of the Town, that the Town of Sudbury should be divided into two towns, and it was passed in the affirmative. And appointed the following gentlemen to agree on a Division Line and Report at the Adjournment of this meeting viz Col Ezekiel How Cap' Richard Heard M"" Nathan Loring M"^ Phinehas Glezen M"" John Maynard and M-" John Meriam." The committee reported that they were not agreed as to the line of division.

At a meeting held Jan. 1, 1779, the town appointed Major Joseph Curtis, Thomas Plympton, Esq., Mr. John Balcom, Capt. Richard Heard and Capt. Jonathan Rice to agree on a line of division. At the same meeting measures were taken to petition the General Court. Strong opposition at once manifested itself, and the town was warned to meet at the West meeting-house December 6,

" 1^' To choose a moderator

" 2^^ To see if the town will clioose a Committee to act in behalf of this Town at the Great and General Court of this State to Ojipose a Division of s"^ Town and give the Com'^^ So chosen Such Instruction Relating to said affair as the Town may think proper and grant a Sum of Mone}^ to Enable said Com'^^ to Carry on Said Business "

The meeting resulted as follows :

" 1** Chose Asahel Wheeler moderator

" 2^ Chose Col Ezekiel Howe M-" W"* Rice Ju-" and Thomas Plympton Esq a committee for the Purpose contained in this article and granted the sum of three hundred Pounds to Enable their Com'^^ to Carry on said affair then adjourned this meeting to tomorrow at three oclock at the same place.

" Tuesday Decem*" 7th The Town met according to adjournment proceeded and gave their Com*^^ Chosen to oppose a division of this Town &c the following" Instructions viz.

" To Col° Ezekiel Howe, Tho^ Plympton Esq and M-" Rice Ju^ you being chosen a Com*«^ by the Town of Sudbury to oppose a division of s'^ Town as Lately Reported b}' a Com'" of the Hon'^ General Court of this State

" You are hereby authorized and Instructed to preferr a Petition or memorial to the General Court in behalf of Said Town. Praying that the Bill for Dividing S'^ Town May be set a fire or altred setting forth the Great Disadvantages the Westerly part of the Town will Labour under by a Division of said Town as reported by s^ Com'" viz : as said report deprives them of all the gravel and ol)liges them to maintain the one half of the Great Causeways on the Easterly part of said Town notwithstanding the necessary repairs of the Highways on the westerly part of said Town are nearly double to that on the East.

" Said Report also deprives them of the Pound, it also deprives them of a Training field though Given by the Proprietors of Said Town to the Westerly side for a Training field for Ever

" And further as there is no provision made in said report for the Support of the Poor in Said Town which will be a verry heavy burthen to the West side of the Town as the report now stands. Also at said adjournment the Town Granted the sum of three Hundred pounds, in addition to the other Grant of three hundred Pounds to Enable their Com'^^ to carry on said Petition

" Then the town by their vote dissolved this meeting "

But, notwithstanding the vigorous protest made by prominent citizens, their arguments did not prevail with the Court, and an article was passed, April 10, 1780, which authorized a division of the town. A committee was appointed by the town to consider a plan for the division of property and an equitable adjustment of the obligations of the East and West parts of the town. At an adjourned meeting, held March 14, the committee rendered the following report which was accepted and agreed upon.

" We the Subscribers being appointed a committee to Join a Com*^^ from East Sudbury to make a Division of the Money and Estate belonging to the Town of Sudbury and East Sudbury agreeable to an Act of the General Court Passed the lO'i^ of April 1780, for Dividing the Town of Sudbury, preceded and agreed as followeth viz : that all the Money Due on the Bonds and Notes being the Donation of Mary Doan to the East Side of the River be Disposed of to East Sudbury according to the will of the Donor. And the money Due on Bonds and Notes given by Mr. Peter Noyes and Capt Joshua Ha^aies for the Benefit of the Poor and Schooling be Equally Divided between Each of the S'l Towns, which Sum is 423 : 3 : 4 That all the Money Due on Bonds and Notes for the New Grant Lands, or Money Now in the Treasury or in Constables' hands be Equally Divided between Each of Said Towns which Sums are as follows viz :

" Due on New Grant Bonds and Notes 133 : 14 : 7 " Due from Constable 3110 : 10 : 7

" Due from the Towni Treasurer 348 : 6:5

" And that all Land that belonged to the Town of Sudbury or for the benefit of the Poor shall be Divided agreeable to the Act of the General Court for Dividing Said Town. And that the Pound and Old Bell and the Town Standard of Weights and Measures which belonged to the Town of Sudbury be Sold at publick vandue and the proceeds to be Equally divided between the towns of Sudbury and East Sudbury.

" Also that the Town Stock of Arms and Amanition be Divided as set forth in the Act of the General Court for Dividing the Town of Sudbury. And if any thing shall be made to appear to be Estate or property that Should belong to the town of Sudbury before the Division of the above articles it Shall be Equally Divided between the Town of Sudbury and the Town of East Sudbury. And that the Town of East Sudbury shall Support and Maintain as their Poor During their Life the Widow Vickry and Abigail Isgate, And all Such Persons as have Gained a Residence in the Town of Sudbury before the division of S"^ Town and shall hereafter be brought to the Town of Sudbury or the Town of East Sudbury as their Poor Shall be Supported by that Town in which they Gained their Inhabitance. Also that the Debts Due from Said Town of Sudbury Shall be paid the one half by the Town of Sudbury and the other half by the Town of East Sudbury which Sum is 2977 : 7 : 1

" AsHER Cutler Asahel Wheeler ^

" Tho^ Walker Isaac Maynard S Committee "

" James Thomson )

Other committees concerning the matter of division were appointed the same year. The assessors were to make a

^1487.

9.

10

1G61.

,19.

5

142 lbs

394 lbs

4

^1183.

10.

391,

,15.

27.

, 0.

20.

8.

division with East Sudbury of the men required of Sudbury and East Sudbury for three years ; also to make division of clothing, beef, etc., required of said town. A committee, April 23, 1781, made the following financial exhibit:

Due to Sudbury in the Constable's and Treasurer's hands

That the town had to pay the sum of

Sudbury's part of the Powder

Their part of the Lead

their part of the Guns on hand

The old Bell, Pound and Town Standard of Weights and Measures sold for

Sudbury's part of the above sum is

Received of money

The charge of sale

The remainder to be paid by the treasurer of E. Sudbury.

Money due to the town in M"^ Cutler's hands taken out of the State Treasury for what was advanced by the Town of Sudbury for the support of Soldiers' families who are in the Continental Army 120G .2.0

In the division Sherman's Bridge was left partly in each town, and the river formed about half the town's eastern boundary. At a place on Sand Hill the town line was made irregular in order to admit the training-field and the Caleb Wheeler farm, which was a triangular piece of about fortythree acres. The definition of the town boundary line and the clause which retained the training-field and the Wheeler farm in the town is as follows :

" Beginning with the river between Concord and Lincoln, thence running with the river till it comes to the mouth of a ditch on the west side of said river between the lands of W"" Baldwin Esq, and Eliakim Rice ; thence on said ditcli to the County road leading to Stow, crossing said road ; connected (or continuing) on the South side thereof till it comes to the line between land of Nath^ Rice and Jona. Carter ; thence southerly with the line between said Rice &, Carter to land of Elisha Wheelor ; then running Easterly with the line between said Carter and Wheelor to the County roading leading to Marlboro'; thence running up and bounded on the Westerly side of said road till it comes opposite to the line between the heirs of Lieut. Dan' Goodnow and hind in possession of Robert Emes at " Sandy Hill"; thence crossing said road to the corner aforesaid ; — thence running to a White Oak the head of Capt. Moses Maynard's meadow; thence on a straight line; thence on a straight line to a swamp-White-Oak on the bank of the River eastwardly from the dwelling house of Capt. Moses Stone; thence up the river to Framingham line."

" And it is also enacted that the House and lands of Caleb Wheelor together with the Training-field adjoining thereto, shall remain to the Town of Sudbury."

In the division provision was made for the maintenance, by Sudbury, of the Canal Bridge [Rte 20/Boston Post Road] and that portion of the old causeway which extends from the bridge westerly to the upland. As the support of the Canal Bridge came upon Sudbury and mention is made of it in various places in the Town Records, it may be of interest here to state something of its history. This bridge is so named because it crossed that portion of the river which it is supposed ran through an artificial channel. No bridge in that immediate vicinity but the " Town bridge " is mentioned in the earlier records, and the stream, as before stated (see page 93), originally passed near the eastern upland. The earliest record we have any knowledge of, which contains reference to this bridge, is in 1768, which is a bill for the repairing of the "new bridge near Dea. Stone's, Lanliam, Sherman's, the Town bridge and the Canal bridge." This shows its existence at that time, but gives no intimation as to when it was made ; neither is there any record so far as we know as to when the canal was constructed. An artificial opening might not have been made there until years after the bridge was made. The first water-way may have been a natural one which only required a small crossing, and may subsequently have been enlarged by the current. In other words, when the causeway was built a small outlet may have been left in it at this point for the purpose of allowing the water to pass off the meadow more readily in time of flood. This passage way at first may have been but an open fordway. In the process of time, as

424 HlSTORY OF SUDBURY.

the causeway was gradually raised and the channel or aperture naturally increased in size, a more substantial bridge may have been required. Another theory is that the making of the canal and the bridge was the result of raising the causeway at one time or another. If the town succeeded in raising the money when it tried to do so by means of a lottery in 1758, the Canal Bridge may have been built at that time. As there was opposition to raising the causeway, because it was supposed that it would set back the water, the statement being made that there was " not one foot of fall in the river for 25 or 30 miles," an aperture might have been left in the raised road or causeway or a canal cut to obviate the difficulty, and the canal would require a bridge. Still another theory is that the canal was built by private enterprise. Mr. Abel Gleason, now one of the oldest inhabitants of Wayland, states that when he was a boy, ten or twelve years old, he helped make hay on both sides of the canal for Colonel Baldwin, the owner of the land ; and that the colonel told him that " the water always made its Avay over the ' oxbow ' more or less ; but at one time a Mr. Goodnow and another man, whose name he could not remember, dug out a straight channel for the water to run in." A channel once dug would naturally increase until sufficiently large to allow all the water to pass through it. The short causeway from Sudbury to the Canal Bridge was laid out by the county commissioners in 1832, and the same year was made under the supervision of a committee from East Sudbury.

The following officers were chosen, just before the division, at a town-meeting held in the East and West meetinghouses, March 6, 1780 : " Selectmen Capt. Asahel Wheeler. W" Baldwin Esq. Mr. Thomas Walker, Capt. Caleb Moulton, Mr. Isaac Maynard. Capt. Thadeus Russel, Mr. Benjamin Smith. Town Clerk and Treasurer James Thompson. Other officers chosen were 3 Assessors, 4 Constables, A ' committee of correspondence,' consisting of five persons. 4 ' wardins.' 2 surveyors of shingles, 2 sealers of leather, 3 fence viewers. 2 deer reeves, 4 tythingmen, 4 hog reeves, 2 field drivers, 8 surveyors of highway, 2 fish reeves, and 2 clerks of the market. Total on the official board fifty-five persons."

After the division the town went on with its usual activity. At a town-meeting held March 5, 1781, the following officers were chosen : " Moderator Capt. Jonathan Rice. Selectmen Mr. W'" Rice, Capt. Moses Stone, Lieut. Jacob Reed, Lieut. Abijah Brigham, Capt. Samuel Knight. Clerk and Treasurer, W™ Rice." The records state that the town-meetings were frequently held at the house of Mr. Johnson. Probably this was the house of Aaron Johnson, Innholder. Some of the early town records and acts after its division are the following : Oct. 8, 1781, granted " Rev. Mr. Bigelow for salary the ensuing year seventy-four pounds in specie, also granted for a grammar school for a year, 12 pounds and ordered that said school be kept at the school house near the meeting house, also granted for support of a reading and writing school 48 pounds and ordered the same to be kept in the other four school houses in the same proportion. Also granted 60 pounds to furnish their quota of beef for the supply of the army. Also allowed 16 shillings for the taking ci).re of the meeting house, and chose John Green to take care of the meeting house and dig graves as occasion required for the ensuing year." At the same meeting money was granted for the supply of the soldiers for the Continental army.

In the warrant of a meeting dated Jan. 15, 1781, was an article " to see if the town would choose a committee and empower them to bring an action against or proceed otherwise in a suit of law with the town of Boston for their bringing Mary Piper and her children into Sudbury, she and her children not being able to support themselves and not belonging to Sudbury." At a subsequent meeting the committee was chosen to proceed against Boston as suggested.

In 1782, it was " voted to pay Rev. Mr. Bigelow's salary in specie 111 pounds, of which Roland Bogle's part to collect as constable was X52 11^ 9"^ and Mr. Joshua Haynes part as constable to collect was X58 8* 3^." In 1782, the town ordered their committee to build a suitable place at the school-house " near the meeting house for hanging their bell on instead of repairing the place where it now stands." In 1785, the number of selectmen chosen was reduced to three. In 1787, it was voted to rebuild the canal bridge. The same year Isaac Lincoln was chosen to take care of the meeting-house and ring the bell, for which he was to have eighteen shillings, which was the lowest price bid.

shay's rebellion.

In 1786, occurred an event called Shay's Rebellion or Insurrection. The cause of it was the unsettled condition of the country, its depreciated currency, and a lack of business prosperity in general. A small portion of the community sought to adjust matters by resorting to arms. An effort was made by some of the insurgents to prevent the holding of the county courts, and, on several occasions, the presence of troops was required to preserve the peace. Concord, being a county town, was one of the imperiled places, and there were indications that on Sept. 12, 1768, an outbreak might occur there, as on that day a company of about one hundred men assembled there under command of Job Shattuck of Groton, and Nathan and Sylvanus Smith of Shirley. Matters, however, were adjusted without any open outbreak. From the proximity of Concord to Sudbury, naturally the town would be expected to render military service at that place, if it was needed, and also to furnish aid, in common with the other towns, for the suppression of the rebellion. The following papers are supposed to refer to sucli service.

" Sudbury 10''^ September 1786 " Sir you will fully comply with tlie orders you received from me this Day, Excepting your Marcliing by the shotest Rout to Concord, you will instead of Marching to Concord March with your Company Imbodied to Sudbury Meeting House at Eight oclock in the Morning in order to join the Regt

" Capt Benj Sawin yours &c Jon^ Rice Lt. C. Comd " " Commonwealth of Massachusetts D"" " To tlie Selectmen of Sudbury for furnishing the men that was called out to Supres the Late Rebellion agreeably to the INIilitia Law to three different times to seven Days each at four Shillings P"" Day."

Nov. 24, 1788, it was voted to hear the report of a committee who had, at a previous meeting, been appointed to present a report of the depreciation of Mr. Bigelow's salary. They " reported that the sum of <£155 18^ 9*^ was due to Mr. Bigelow on the deficiency of his salaries for the years 1776, 1777, 1778 and half of 1779," and it was voted to pay X120 to make up the deficiency.

In 1789, the town " empowered a committee to purchase the land of Mr. Doane for the purpose of enlarging the burying ground and voted that the committee provide and build the wall around the yard." When the town were assembled in October, 1789, and the committee reported relative to the land for enlarging the burying-ground, it was voted "that the inhabitants of the town now present go out and inspect the land proposed, when the inhabitants returned, and a vote was taken, but passed in the negative ; this question came up if they would accept of the land if they could have it free of expense and they voted in the affirmative."

In 1792, the town voted to sell the training field in the southeast part of the town, and " the Committee formerly employed to sell the Work house " were appointed to attend to the work. The same jenv measures were taken for the prevention of the small-pox. The article concerning it in the warrant was " To see if the town would admit the Small Pox into sd town by Inoculation," " It passed in the negative." The following year the selectmen were instructed " to take measures to prevent the spreading of the small pox, and to prosecute the persons who transgressed the laws respecting the disease." Instructions were also given " to make diligent search to see if there were any persons who had been inoculated for small pox contrary to law."